臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

本文從句法以及語意的角度切入探討漢語中動式被動結構的衍生機制。從極小主義的句法觀點，我們挑戰了動詞前受事者名詞為在基底結構生成之主語的看法，並且主張此主語是由名詞組的移動所衍生而來。其次，本文支持了Li &Thompsom的看法並更進一步地認為主事者身分的不可辨認性是促使主動事件的及物性往中間化靠攏的動機因素。換句話說，此構式的生成亦可以說是合格的及物動詞往(中)低及物方向調整的過程，而其結果是及物性介於主動事件和被動事件的中動事件。接著，我們試著從極小主義以及語意的互動觀透析此構式的衍生步驟: 從主動句為衍生起始點，當(1)受事者名詞組位移到主語後緊接著(2)接附動詞後修飾補語。透過此兩步驟的交相作用所衍生出來的結果即為中介於主動句和被動句之間的中動式被動結構。在論文的最後，我們也試圖推翻Ackema/Schoorlemmer(1995)以及Authier/Reed(1996) 的結論: 中動句在不同的語言可能有不同的衍生機制。我們認為，中動式的生成方式必須分不同構式類別作各別的探究，而中動式被動結構的生成就本文的分析顯示是具有跨語言相似性的。

In the lump, the thesis first resolves the much- disputed controversy as to whether the preverbal Patient NP in the middle construction in Mandarin Chinese is derived from the base- generated or NP- movement. In the thesis, we argue that middle constructions can be formed either by the base- generation of Patient NP in the subject position or by the A- movement of that NP to the grammatical subject position, depending on the type of middle voice a given construction belongs to. However, as a non- prototypical middle type, the middle- passive construction at issue is demonstrated within the Minimalist framework as formed by the A- movement of Patient NP as early as possible at Surface- structure.
Second, our analysis also supports Li & Thompson’s (1994) viewpoint that there is no such a syntactic category as middle verb and that its interpretation when used with one argument is entirely a matter of semantic and pragmatic constraints. We confirm this position by analyzing that the middle- passive construction is motivated by the preexisting semantic/pragmatic condition of the unidentifiability on Agent role which can not project into syntax.
In the end, our analysis subverts the views of Ackema and Schoorlemmer (1995) and Authier and Reed (1996) that middle formation is not necessarily homogeneous by arguing instead that middle formation may vary from type to type but the formation of a specific type, e.g., the middle- passive construction in our case, ought to share certain cross-linguistic similarities.

Abstract (English Ⅰ, Chinese Ⅱ)
Acknowledgement Ⅲ, Ⅳ
1. Introduction 1
1.1 Defining Data 1
1.2 The Motivation, Methodology and Objective 5
2. Literature Review 8
2.1 Syntactic theories 9
2.1.1 Hoekstra and Robert’s (1993) syntactic analysis 10
2.2 Lexical theories 14
2.2.1 Rule-based account 1: Ackema and Schoorlemmer (1994, 1995) 1 5
2.2.2 Rule-based account 2: Fagan & Ting (1992, 2006) 18
2.2.2.1 Fagan (1992) 18
2.2.2.2 Ting (2006) 20
2.3 Semantic approaches 24
2.3.1 Semantic approach 1: Kemmer (1993) 25
2.3.2 Semantic approach 2: Manney (1998) 29
2.4 An interface account 33
2.4.1 A semantico- syntactic account: Markus Steinbach (2002) 34
3. Syntactic Properties and A-movement Hypothesis 41
3.1 The subjecthood of preverbal Patient NP 41
3.1.1 The base-generation view 41
3.1.2 The challenges 45
3.2 The obligatoriness of post- verbal non- argument 50
3.3 The argument structure of V 56
3.3.1 The base-generation view 56
3.3.1.1 One-place predicate 56
3.3.1.2 Two-place predicste 60
3.3.2 The A- movement view 63
3.3.2.1 Raising predicate 63
3.3.2.2 Two- place derived predicate 64
3.4 The A-movement justification 65
3.4.1 The Minimalist perspective 66
3.4.2 The application and justification 67
3.4.2.1 The base- generation view 67
3.4.2.2 The A- movement view 72
4. The Semantic Properties and Middle- Transitive Hypothesis 79
4.1 The properties of Agent 79
4.1.1 The unidentifiability of A 79
4.1.1.1 Case 1: Indefinite & Non-referential 79
4.1.1.2 Case 2: Indefinite but Referential 80
4.1.1.3 Case 3: Definite & Referential 81
4.1.2 The middle- transitive hypothesis 83
4.2 The properties of predicate: transitivity changes 86
4.2.1 The detransitivization view: William Croft (1993) 86
4.2.1.1 The deviation from the same ICM 86
4.2.1.2 The detransitivization 88
4.2.2 The middle- transitive view 90
4.2.2.1 The weakening of transivity: Situation Comparison 90
4.2.2.2 Situation Model Reformulated 93
4.2.2.2.1 The middle passive as the derived middle 94
4.2.2.2.2 The middle passive V.S. the spontaneous 96
4.2.3 The weakening element [WE] 100
4.2.3.1 The Post-verbal Modification [PM] as the [WE] 100
4.2.3.2 The neutralization hypothesis 103
4.3 The semantic constraints 105
4.3.1 The eligible verb 105
4.3.1.1 The transitive- dominate compound 105
4.3.1.1.1 Type 1 106
4.3.1.1.2 Type 2 107
4.3.1.2 The symbiotic compositional structure 112
4.3.2 The middlization 116
4.3.2.1 The non- adjacent neutralization 116
4.3.2.2 An attraction ahead 118
5. The Semantico-Syntactic Formation Mechanism 121
5.1 The Rules Interaction 121
5.1.1 The Feeding Relation 123
5.1.2 The Collapse of Formation 128
5.2 The Universal Valid Formation Mechanism 132
5.2.1 The Argument Structure is Economically Computed 132
5.2.2 The MP is Economically- Preferred 138
6. Concluding Remarks 145
References 153

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