臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

美國前總統威爾遜在第一次世界大戰後提出民族自決權的概念，主旨在於每個族群都擁有不受他者干涉下自由決定其政治地位的權利，是天賦人權的延伸與高尚表現；然而，後續至近代的發展中，聯合國的決議、獨立風潮下各國的實踐、國際法院與各國法院的判決，均針對民族自決權創設了不少執行者的附加條件，許多進行獨立運動的族群在過程中也因此被視為分離主義而遭到武力鎮壓。國際間的行為者對於民族自決權的應用與獨立運動之實踐往往有不同的反應，筆者希望藉著探討近代以來最具代表性的科索沃及克里米亞案例，將美國、俄羅斯等強權對於不同獨立運動的態度差異做出比較，並從中找尋其判斷標準。
本文的文獻蒐集與討論包含民族自決權之發展沿革、公投對於獨立運動之必要性與有效性、剖析科索沃與克里米亞案例衝突成因、兩案例過程與現行國際法是否牴觸、國際社會主要國家之態度歧異等層面，最終總結得出，在民族自決權方面的國際建制依據國際機構決議、國家實踐、各層級法院之判例後仍對其定義曖昧不明．而另一方面，國家給予獨立運動民族的承認，基於各個條件相似的案例卻呈現出國家矛盾的決策，顯示國際關係仍回到現實主義、叢林法則的利益考量；至於新自由主義所提倡的國際建制之規範作用，筆者發現唯有具備承受違反國際法成本的能力，該國才會與其正面衝突，反之則不然。

The right to self-determination was after the first World War proposed by former American president, Woodrow Wilson. Its subject, which was derived from the concept of natural rights, expresses that people should possess the right to freely determine their international political status without interference. However, development in past decades, including resolutions of United Nations, practices of nations, judgements of ICJ and national courts, have been imposing limitations and conditions upon this right. Thus, many ethnic groups attempting to become independent have been considered separatism and forcibly suppressed. Actors in international society have been differently reacting toward implementation of the right to self-determination and national practices. Therefore, the author looks forward to scrutinizing the iconic cases of Crimea and Kosovo, and analyzes attitudinal differences between United States, Russian, and other strong powers. By doing so, it can be possible to summarize the criteria of decisions made by these nations.
Data gathered and analyzed in this thesis include the development of the right to national self-determination, the effectiveness and necessity of plebiscites, the fundamental causes of these two cases, violations of international laws, and different attitude of strong powers. In conclusion, international regimes concerning the right to national self-determination are still unspecific. It sums up that the paradox of national acknowledgement in different cases represents international relations still resorts to supremacy of interests, derived from realism. As for international regimes promoted by neoliberalism, it turns out only countries that are capable of affording the costs would dare to confront them.

第一章 緒論 1
第一節 研究動機與目的 1
第二節 文獻回顧 4
第三節 研究方法 11
第四節 研究範圍與預期成果 13
第五節 章節安排 14

第二章 理論與規範 16
第一節 新自由主義內容 16
第二節 新現實主義簡介 29
第三節 民族自決權的歷史發展 35
第四節 公投在國際法上的效力 43

第三章 科索沃案例分析 48
第一節 事件起源與過程 48
第二節 塞爾維亞對於此案的態度 56
第三節 科索沃獨立的合法性 61
第四節 國際社會的反應 71

第四章 克里米亞案例分析 78
第一節 事件起源與過程 78
第二節 俄羅斯與烏克蘭的主張比較 89
第三節 克里米亞脫烏入俄的合法性分析 93
第四節 國際社會的反應 99

第五章 結論 105
第一節 兩個案例的過程與合法性比較 105
第二節 大國態度比較與國際關係理論 107
第三節 結語 110

參考文獻 112

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碩博士學位論文
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