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研究生:何明修
研究生(外文):Minh-Sho Ho
論文名稱:民主轉型過程中的國家與民間社會:以台灣的環境運動為例(1986-1998)
論文名稱(外文):State and Civil Society in Democratic Transition: The Environmental Movement in Taiwan(1986-1998)
指導教授:蕭新煌蕭新煌引用關係
指導教授(外文):H. H. Michael Hsiao
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立臺灣大學
系所名稱:社會學研究所
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:社會學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2000
畢業學年度:88
語文別:中文
論文頁數:327
中文關鍵詞:民間社會民主轉型社會運動環境運動政治機會
外文關鍵詞:civil societydemocratic transitionsocial movementenvironmental movementpolitical opportunity
相關次數:
  • 被引用被引用:114
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  • 收藏至我的研究室書目清單書目收藏:12
政治條件深刻地影響了社會運動的興起與發展的可能性。封閉的政治局勢提昇了集體動員的難度,但是成功的社會抗議卻往往能改變不利的外在環境。在本研究中,我們所處理的是台灣民主轉型與環境運動之間的相互辯證關係,探討政治開放提供了何種的動員機會,而社會運動又如何促使政治改革更向前邁進。
我們將民主轉型視為一種政治機會結構(political opportunity structure),其中包含了四項彼此相關的因素,亦即國家組織性質、政策回應、抗議處理、政治聯盟者。在自由化(1986-1989)、威權反撲(1990-1992)、民主化(1993-1998)三個轉型時期之中,不同的政治開放性形塑了環境運動發展的可能性。在自由化時期中,政府試圖以溫和的態度來處理環境抗議事件,並且推出新的環境政策,不過這些舉動並不能阻止環境運動與反對運動發展出聯盟關係,形成大眾抗爭(popular upsurge)的局勢。1990年之後,國家當局對於民間社會的容忍程度降低,開始採取有組織的打壓政策,這促使環境運動提昇了其抗議的層次,並且紛紛投入選舉。在民主化時期之中,台灣的政黨政治日益成熟,但是環境運動並沒有隨著政治抗議的消失而沒落,反而進入了一個新的制度化階段。一方面,環境運動不再具有高度的“政治性”訴求,過去與反對黨的聯盟關係逐漸瓦解;另一方面,國家部門也放棄了打壓,並且願意開放若干環境決策參與的管道。隨著環境團體的成長,抗議案件的持續增加,更多元的運動路線不斷推出,環境運動逐漸成為民間社會之中一個強而有力的部門。
從這些結論出發,我們對於過去政體轉型的研究作品提出了一些修正意見。基本上,我們認為民間社會發展的自主性需要被肯定,重視社會運動的政治條件並不意味著將其化約為成政治過程的附屬產物。就起源而言,台灣的環境運動不是被動地反映了政治開放,其發展也不是隨著政治轉型期的終結而宣告結束。就民主化的動力而言,本研究認為集體行動者應被賦與更重要的角色,而不是將探討面向侷限於政治精英的互動。最後,展望未來的民主鞏固,我們認為民間社會將是下一個階段的關鍵,多元而廣泛的社會力不斷地重新塑造當前民主的圖像。
Political conditions shape the possibility of social movements. A closed political system enhances the difficulty of collective mobilization, but a successful social protest can also change the unfavorable external condition. In this study, the dialectical relation between democratic transition in Taiwan and environmental movement is our subject. The main questions are what kind of mobilization opportunity the political opening brought forth and how social movement in turn pushed the political further.
We take democratic transition as a change of political opportunity structure, which consists in four mutually related variables, organization of state, policy response, policing of protest and political alliance. In three periods of transition, i.e., liberalization(1986-1989), authoritarian backlash(1990-1992), democratization (1993-1998), different degree of political openness’ shapes the contour of environmental movement. In liberalization period, government treated the environmental protests mildly and set up new policy orientation. But these moves failed to prevent the alliance between environmental movement and the political opposition movement, which resulted in popular upsurge. After 1990, we witnessed the lowering of state elite’s’ tolerance as regards with civil society and the following organized suppression attempt. Thus, environmental movement raised its level of protest, and many activists joined the election campaign. In democratization, as the party politics in Taiwan matured, environmental movement did not disappear in relation as political protests decline; contrary to popular belief, it rather entered a new phrase of institutionalization. On the one hand, the movement itself lost the “political character”, and the alliance with opposition party underwent the process of collapse; on the other, the state turned away from its previous strategy of crackdown, and war more willing to open up some participation access. With the growth of citizen groups and protest events, pluralization of movement strategy, environment has become one strong sector in civil society.
With these in mind, we disagreed with the some dominant opinions concerning the nature of democratic transition. Basically, the autonomy of civil society has to be reaffirmed, which means that we have to take social movement seriously, rather than reducing it to an epiphenomenon. For its origin, environment movement did not passively reflect the political opening. Its development did not come to an end with the transition period, either. As for the dynamic of regime transition, we hold that collective actors should be given a greater role and mere discussion on transaction between political elites fails to capture the whole story. Looking forward to consolidation in future, civil society will be the linchpin, for plural social forces are constantly modifying what we hold to be democracy.
封面
序暨謝辭
目錄
圖表目錄
第一篇 導論
第一章 研究問題與研究架構
第一節 研究對象:環境運動在台灣
第二節 環境運動作為台灣民間社會的表現
一、環境運動在台灣之特色
二、環境運動:西方與台灣之比較
三、環境運動與政治
第三節 研究問題:民主轉型過程中的民間社會
一、西方的說法與其批判
二、政治過程論
三、民主轉型作為變動的政治機會結構
四、政治過程論不是政治決定論
五、台灣民主轉型過程的分期
第四節 研究文獻之回顧
一、台灣社會運動之研究
二、台灣環境運動之研究
第五節 研究方法與資料來源
一、研究方法
二、資料來源
第六節 章節安排
第二章 重構民間社會與社會運動的想像
第一節 當代民間社會論述的社會起源
第二節 民間社會的不同模型
一、多元主義的民間社會模型
二、政治自由主義的民間社會模型
三、社會民主的民間社會模型
四、小結:到底什麼是民間社會
第三節 社會運動與民間社會
一、社會運動的定義
二、社會運動的分類:權力導向與認同導向
三、制度作為民間社會與國家的中介
第四節 結論
第二篇 民主轉型過程中的環境運動
第三章 台灣環境運動的開端:專家學者、黨外、草根(1980-1986)
第一節 專家學者的啟蒙教育與政策建言
一、早期的生態保育事件
二、學者反核
三、專家學者的侷限
第二節 環境問題與黨外運動
一、黨外運動的社會起源
二、《生活與環境》的嘗試(1981-1982)
三、八○年代的黨外雜誌與黨外新生代
第三節 草根的反污染抗爭:從情緒反彈到環境運動
第四節 結論
第四章 政治自由化與大眾抗爭(1986-1989)
第一節 解嚴作為政治自由化
一、解嚴的實際內容
二、集會遊行法與抗議處理
三、人民團體法與環境團體的成立
第二節 新環境政策的提出
第三節 大眾抗爭的結構與動力
第四節 民進黨介入環境運動的諸多方式
一、群眾運動路線下的民進黨
二、民進黨所參與的環境運動
第五節 結論:自由化政策的改弦易轍
第五章 威權反撲的年代 (1990-1992)
第一節 “對無法治的社會開刀”:被壓縮的抗議空間
第二節 威權反撲下的環境政策
第三節 壓不扁的玫瑰:環境運動的持續
一、抗爭案件的持續增加與擴散
二、為何環境運動沒有消失?
三、國家壓制的不均分佈:比較環運與工運
第四節 政治轉向:環境運動的策略轉變
一、環境運動與政治抗議
二、將運動帶入選舉
第五節 結論:民間社會與威權主義的最後決鬥
第六章 民主化階段的政治機會結構 (1993-1998)
第一節 抗議處理的溫和化
一、地方化與例行化的趨勢
二、暴力衝突的邊緣化
三、集遊法與人團法體制的鬆動
四、小結:從恐嚇到合作的警民關係
第二節 環境政策的回應:民間社會參與決策的可能性
第三節 轉變中的政治聯盟結構:民進黨的轉型與腐化
一、環境運動與民進黨關係變化
二、民進黨的“轉型”:從支配環境到適應環境
三、權力與腐化
四、小結:鬆動的政治聯盟
第四節 結論:更開放而彈性的空間
第七章 社會運動的衰退或制度化(1993-1998)?
第一節 何謂社會運動的制度化
第二節 社會運動消失了?
一、環境抗爭的高原期
二、新團體的成立與其特色
三、社會運動衰退論的社會分析
第三節 多元化的環境運動策略
一、法律途徑的抗爭
二、環境運動的在地化
三、區域聯盟的出現:南方綠色革命的實踐
四、另類發展的可能性
五、小結:多元化運動策略下的民間社會
第四節 結論:社會運動的制度化是一件好事嗎?
第三篇 政治聯盟的結構
第八章 環境運動與選舉
第一節 選舉期間的環境運動
一、反公害、反核運動的攻勢:有限的成果
二、生態保育運動的反挫:在選舉期間被炒作的開發案
第二節 民進黨從環境運動中得到了什麼?
一、新人材的招募
二、新選票的開拓
第三節 雙重夾殺下的有限空間:綠黨的經驗
一、從社會運動到政黨的大躍進
二、為何綠黨沒有成功?
第四節 結論:選舉與民間社會
第九章 綠色執政下的綠色運動
第一節 有名無實的地方自治
第二節 綠色執政與綠色團體合作之諸多可能性
一、善用地方政府的有限權力
二、與地方政府的聯盟
第三節 褪色中的綠色執政
第四節 結論:合作或衝突的關係
第四篇 制度作為民間社會與國家的中介
第十章 環境影響評估與環境運動的策略轉向
第一節 環境影響評估在台灣:起源與演變
一、籌備與試辦階段
二、立法階段
第二節 環評的抗爭
一、立法前
二、立法後
第三節 介於政治與技術之間的環評制度
第四節 結論:民主轉型所帶來的有限參與空間
第十一章 公害糾紛處理法與環境爭議之處理
第一節 公害糾紛處理制度的制定
第二節 公糾制度的運作結果
第三節 環境保護協定:從內戰到民間社會的可能性
第四節 結論
第十二章 結論
參考資料
附錄
附錄一:訪談資料與田野筆記
附錄二:台灣反核文章篇數表(1974-1986)
附錄三:黨外雜誌與環境議題
附錄四:台灣環境抗爭案件(1980-1998)
附錄五:台灣的環境團體(1980-1998)
附錄六:民進黨在貢寮鄉與觀音鄉的選舉結果
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三、官書資料
內政部警政署 《中華民國台閩區警政統計年報》,歷年版
司法院(1988-98) 《台灣司法統計專輯》,歷年版
台北市警察局 《台北市警政統計年報》,歷年版
台北縣政府(1991) 《核四再評估:台北縣對核四環境影響評估的審查報告》
立法院 《立法院公報》
立法院(1993) 《公害糾紛調處法案》,法律案專輯第146輯,立法院秘書處編印
立法院(1995) 《環境影響評估法案》,法律案專輯178輯,立法院秘書處編印
宜蘭縣政府(1992) 《宜蘭縣政府、台灣水泥股份有限公司蘇澳廠環境保護協議書》
宜蘭縣環保局(1994) 《宜蘭縣環境保護年鑑》
高雄縣環保局(1990) 《高雄縣環境白皮書》
勞委會(1988-98) 《中華民國台灣地區勞工統計年鑑》,歷年版
衛生署(1985) 《加強推動環境響影評估方案》
環保署(1988-98) 《中華民國台灣地區環境保護統計年報》,歷年版
環保署(1988a) 《加速環境響影評估制度立法進度:報告》,環保署內部報告
環保署(1988b) 《建立環境響影評估制度檢討報告》,環保署內部報告
環保署(1992-4) 《公害糾紛處理白書》,1991-3年版
環保署(1998) 《環境白書》,1997年版
四、中文報紙
工商時報
中央日報
中時晚報
中國時報
中國晨報
中華日報
世界論壇報
台灣日報
台灣立報
台灣時報
台灣新生報
台灣新聞報
民生報
民眾日報
自由日報/時報
自立早報
自立晚報
更生日報
青年日報
經濟日報
聯合晚報
聯合報
五、期刊
《人間》,1985-9年
《八十年代》,[因被停刊,以《八十年代叢刊》、《八十年代叢書》、《八十年代半月刊》、《八十年代週刊》、《八十年代週刊評論》等名義出版],1979-86年
《大甲溪》,1990年
《大自然》,1983年之後,中華民國自然生態保育協會,
《中國論壇》
《中華雜誌》,1963-93年
《天下雜誌》
《台北環境》,1992年以後,台灣環境保護聯盟台北分會
《台灣新文化》,[因被停刊,以《台灣新文化每月叢書》、《新文化》名義出版],1986-90年
《台灣潮流週刊》,[因被停刊以《台灣展望》、《台灣年代》、《台灣年代週刊》等名義出版],1984-5年
《台灣環境》,1987年以後,台灣環境保護聯盟
《生活與環境》,1981-2年
《前進週刊》,[因被停刊,以《前進世界》、《前進廣場》、《前進每週一書》、《前進時代》、《前進廣場月刊》、《前進》、《向前看》等名義出版],1983-8年
《春風》,1979年
《看守台灣》,1998年之後
《夏潮論壇》,1983年
《夏潮雜誌》,1976-9年
《深耕》,[因被停刊,以《生根》、《生根週刊》、《伸根週刊》、《深耕週刊》、《深耕報月刊》等名義出版],1981-7年
《勞工行政雜誌》
《勞動者》,1984年以後,台灣勞工陣線
《開創雜誌》,1984-5年
《新台評論》,[因被停刊,以《新台叢書》名義出版],1986-8年
《新新聞週刊》,1987年之後
《新路線週刊》,[因被停刊,以《新觀點週刊》、《新觀點叢書》等名義出版],1985-6年
《新潮流月刊》,1986年
《新潮流》,1993-5年
《新潮流評論》,1989-91年
《新潮流叢刊》,[後以《新潮流週刊》、《新社會週刊》等名義出版],1984年
《新環境月刊》,1985年之後,新環境雜誌社/新環境基金會
《綠色種籽》,1990-1年,台灣綠色和平組織
《環保展望週刊》,1995年之後,惠國顧問(股)公司
《環保展望電子報》,惠國顧問(股)公司,[至1999年4月為止]
《環保與經濟》,1989年之後
《環耕》,1996-7年
《關懷》,1981-5年
《台灣濕地》,1995年以後,中華民國濕地保護聯盟
《中華飛羽》,1988年以後,中華民國野鳥學會
《螺訊》,1997年以後,宜蘭縣無尾港文教促進會
《綠訊》,1996年以後,高雄市綠色協會
六、網際網路
EproNET http://www.epronet.com.tw
台灣綠黨http://gptaiwan.yam.org.tw/
民主進步黨http://www.dpp.org.tw/
行政院環境保護署http://www.epa.gov.tw/
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