跳到主要內容

臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

(3.236.110.106) 您好!臺灣時間:2021/07/25 08:04
字體大小: 字級放大   字級縮小   預設字形  
回查詢結果 :::

詳目顯示

: 
twitterline
研究生:裴元領
研究生(外文):Yuan-Ling Pei
論文名稱:台灣的日常生活結構─對1980-1998年社會經濟史的考察
論文名稱(外文):Taiwan’s Structures of Everyday Life 1980-1998.
指導教授:葉啟政葉啟政引用關係
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立臺灣大學
系所名稱:社會學研究所
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:社會學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2000
畢業學年度:88
語文別:中文
論文頁數:303
中文關鍵詞:系統自我製造與自我組織門檻差異結構斷裂分裂歷時性與共時性老化經濟全球化反思社會學關係論。
外文關鍵詞:systemsautopoiesis and self-organizationthresholdstructures of differencerupturescrackingthe diachronic and the synchronicaging economyglobalizationreflexive sociologyrelationism
相關次數:
  • 被引用被引用:13
  • 點閱點閱:1900
  • 評分評分:
  • 下載下載:300
  • 收藏至我的研究室書目清單書目收藏:7
本文從當代「日常生活社會學」(sociology of everyday life)中一個隱而不顯的角度─社會經濟史─出發,試圖考察台灣戰後的日常生活結構有何特徵,並選擇十五項經濟指標作為觀察重點。
第一章處理研究動機、問題形成、文獻與概念檢討,運用人均國民生產毛額年增率與人均國民所得年增率,區分經濟結構轉型為五個階段。第二章深入人口與經濟之分期化與結構比較,主要採取貫時的(diachronic)表達方式,將總人口、總生產、總所得與總消費放在編年架構討論,發現用高貨幣供給刺激高經濟成長的趨勢已一去不返;此時人人有錢(如人均消費貨幣化程度在1987-88年超過100﹪)卻生產有限(1990-98年GDP平均6.21﹪)。「貨幣全面滲透社會」既是當局操作的結果,又成為經濟系統的共時選擇。而當局在降低總賦稅年增率的同時,所得稅佔總賦稅比重卻不斷上漲;另一方面,更發行巨額公債填補短少的稅收,故筆者稱之為「公債導向國家」。這樣「明稅暗債」與各業工資的低成長率(如1990-98年平均4.09﹪)就產生系統上的影響。
第三章採共時的(synchronic)表達方式,敘述台灣在全球化過程中進出口、經常帳、核准外資與對外投資的變化有何意義;並從各縣市的人均月薪、戶均月入、剩餘價值率與地價變動,說明台灣內部的差異結構確實為台北市獨霸,而從台北到新竹的發展將領先其他區域中心(台中市、高雄市)。總而言之,如採「生產」與「消費」作為連結台灣內外部變化的基本概念,則「工資」可作為兩者的界面:當總體剩餘價值率、利潤率(獲利率)和地價長期上升,且利率與資產報酬率長期下降,資本家在有效壓低各業實際工資成長率並為自己創造高額利潤時,又暴露不當操作資產的問題(特別是金融業),對總體產業轉型將造成重大影響。第四章則集中在1990年代,解說各業低工資成長率、各級政府債務餘額增加但賦稅收入不穩、出口佔GDP百分比停滯但進口成長等現象有何意義─即,陷入全球化流沙的老化經濟(GDP↓T↓g↓d↑WE↑x↓m↑代號見內文)使台灣政府與社會部門都出現全新的危機;而狹義或廣義的「不能經濟生產者」、緩慢解組的家庭、高投資等於高消耗的高學歷失業者所構成的新社會結構,更是對「經濟理性」與「統治理性」深重的挑戰。
從社會經濟史的角度觀察,過度倚賴中國市場將成為廿一世紀初台灣日常生活的重心,當紅的電子產業也不例外。屆時,人與戶之薪資、收入、資產將產生更不可認識的、非本質論的轉變(unknowledgeable, non-essentialist transform-ation),而制高點上的集團與巨富將與更多人無關。這種認識與現實的雙重分裂既是台灣發展的問題癥結,也是「反思社會學」(reflexive sociology)紮根於日常生活的契機。筆者從現實的發生過程中採用分期化(periodization)、區域化(region- alization)與系統運作(systematic operations)的概念建構,以避免將台灣複雜多變的人、事、時、地、物給本質化或實體化─這是本文深切期待的目標。
This dissertation is a sociological study in contemporary Taiwan as seen from a socioeconomic perspective, selecting 15 key economic indicators that represent the island’s structures of everyday life for the period 1980 to 1998.
Chapter 1 identifies Taiwan’s five stages of economic-structural transformation by way of the per capita annual growth rates for Gross National Product and National Income. Chapter 2 adopts a diachronic expressive mode in the periodization and structural comparison of total population, production, income, and consumption, finding that an accelerating M1B annual growth rate can no longer push higher the Gross Domestic Product growth rate. For example, the average M1B growth rate in the 1980-89 period was 21.03% ¾ expanding a post-war record high of 51.42% in 1986 ¾ and the monetarization (M1B) of per capita consumption even exceeded 100% in 1987-88, but the average GDP growth rate was 8.15% in 1980-89 and only 6.21% in 1990-98. “Total monetary penetration through society” is a consequence of the KMT’s authoritative operations as well as the synchronic selection of global-local (termed “glocal”) economic systems. And as the government suffers diminishing total tax revenues, the proportion of income tax to total tax revenues grows year by year. In order to address the problem of lower annual rate of tax revenues(T↓), the govern-ment has had to issue huge amounts of public bonds ¾ outstanding public bonds totaled NT$ 1.25 trillion at the end of December 1999 while real 1999 GDP was valued at NT$ 9.05 trillion ¾ thus giving rise to a “public bonds directed state”(d↑). This tendency toward “manifest tax and latent debt” together with lower average monthly earnings growth (4.09% real growth in 1990-98) produces a complex impact on glocal economic systems.
Chapter 3 adopts a synchronic expressive mode to explicate the meaning of exports, imports, current account, approved foreign investment and approved outward invest-ment. At the same time, a close examination of the volatility of average monthly earnings per capita, average monthly income per household, rate of surplus value and (residential and commercial) land prices, confirms Taipei municipality’s ascendancy over all other cities and prefectures, and indicates that social-economic development in the north of Taiwan from Taipei to Hsinchu is superior to that of the south from Taichung and Kaohsiung. Production and consumption are the two elementary con-cepts used to articulate the inner and outer changing conditions of Taiwan, and the average industry wage is deemed an intermediate concept or interface in the resultant explanation. That is, when the rate of surplus value, rate of profit and land price are rising in the long-term but interest rates and rate of profit / assets are moving in the opposite direction, then the average real wage growth rate (i.e. minus inflation) is effectively suppressed (g↓) by capitalists who enjoy huge profits, while simultane-ously exposing improper operations about assets especially in the domestic financial sectors, which constitutes a big strike to Taiwan’s whole industrial transformation.
Chapter 4 concentrates on the 1990s, in particular the lower annual growth of average earnings, the rise in outstanding public bonds and the instability of tax revenues at all levels of government, and the stagnation of the export / GDP ratio and rise in the import / GDP ratio ─ in other words, an aging economy trapped by quick sand (i.e. unstable foundation) of globalization (GDP↓T↓g↓d↑WE↑x↓m↑), which signals wholly new crises facing all sectors in Taiwan, both governmental and social. No matter what in a broad or narrow sense about the “disables to economic product-ion”, slowly disorganizing families, including “higher investment means higher expenditure” is a caricature of higher educational unemployed, not only these con-stitute a new social structure, but also a deep challenge to ‘economic rationality’ and ‘governmental rationality’ for today.
From a long-term perspective, over dependence upon China’s market and a booming electronics industry will be the primary scenarios of everyday life in Taiwan at the dawn of the 21st century. Meanwhile, a more unknowledgeable, non-essentialist transformation is emerging from different kinds of payroll, income, assets among individuals and households, as well as the increasing irrelevance of strategic power blocs, nouveaux riches, grand bourgeoisie to “the irrelevant people”. This double cracking of the knowing (the known / the unknown) and the real (the real / the non-real) is both problematic of Taiwan’s social development and the effective moment of reflexive sociology (Bourdieu, Beck…) grounded in everyday life. From the con-ceptual construction of periodization, regionalization and systematic operations, the thesis postulates that the complex, changing genetic processes of social realities can-not be substantialized or essentialized as a “thing” or similar. On the contrary, one needs to concrete time (at least chronically and structurally), space (in structural and regional differences), population (statistically), recurrent events and works happened and happening neither consciously nor completely described in Taiwan, and think relationally to those silent ruptures which lead us to an uncertain and still unknown future.
封面
謝詞
壹‧全文目錄
貳‧圖表目錄
第一章 導論
1.1.研究動機
1.2.問題形成
1.2-1.問題背景
1.2-2.問題限定
1.3.「結構變化」作為(再)觀察的起點
1.4.文獻與概念檢討
1.4-1.「結構」的概念分析
1.4-2.「倫理」、「義務」與「道德」的隱藏議題
1.4-3.「日常生活」的思考轉向
1.5.研究方式與章節安排…
第二章 建構社會經濟史中數字與門檻的意義
2.1.數量級:1958年的人口與統治
2.2.人口與經濟之分期化:1967-91年
2.3.門檻1967年
2.4.門檻1980年
2.5.1991年以後:股票化、貨幣化與物價波動
2.6.「共時選擇」與「日常性」:每天的壓力與不確定性
2.6-1.日常性的實質詮釋循環
2.6-2.同步鎖定、共時選擇與結構重合─以M1B和M2為例
2.6-3.瞬間壓力─金融劇變前的信號
2.6-4.從賦稅導向國家到公債導向國家─論1991年的門檻如何形成
2.7.1980-98年各業工資的框架化
2.8.本章小結
第三章 總體經濟機制形成及其問題
3.1.全球化過程中的台灣經濟波動
3.1-1.台灣經濟長期波動的兩種趨勢
3.1-2.通膨率、失業率與經常帳─從克魯曼(P. Krugman)和佘羅(L. Thurow)的論點對照論美日陰影下的台灣經濟
3.1-3.台灣的進出口與全球資本流動─論1990-91年的斷層線如何形成
3.2.台灣的再生產、消費與剩餘價值率─以1995-96年為例
3.3.社會時間的框架─1969-98年的狀況
3.4.如何分辨台灣各縣市的差異結構
3.4-1.人均月薪、戶均月入與剩餘價值率
3.4-2.地價的社會經濟史考察
3.5.地價、利潤率與剩餘價值率─一種理論與歷史的說明
3.6.本章小結
第四章 不確定狀態下,不連續的結構化過程
4.1.不連續性:全球流沙上,台灣1990年代的老化經濟
4.2.政府經常門與持續擴大中的國家債務問題
4.3.國際經常帳與台灣的全球求生策略
4.3-1.台灣對美國、日本、中國、香港的順差與逆差關係
4.3-2.台灣對世界各國的順逆差關係
4.3-3.1981-98年台灣進出口的內部調節過程
4.3-4.五次出口重擊對台灣經濟的影響
4.3-5.不確定的生存狀態
4.4.從失業率論1998-99年台灣社會發展的轉機與危機
4.5.本章小結
第五章 暫時的結論及當下的遠景
5.1.經驗發現:最近的趨勢與可能的反思
5.1-1.美國與中國輪流作為台灣的資本動線,歐洲則明顯被忽略
5.1-2.中國將成為廿一世紀初台灣電子產業的投資主軸,但後果不明
5.1-3.行業內與行業間的薪資落差將日益擴大而非縮小
5.1-4.人(戶)均收入與家庭資產落差都日益擴大,而且愈老可能愈窮
5.1-5.全球資本(訊)運動與電子倍數競爭下的「不可認識性」
5.2.理論反思:可能的改變與未來的趨勢
5.2-1.「不確定性」在社會經濟史上的意義
5.2-2.門檻與數量的關係化過程
5.2-3.門檻與心理狀態
5.2-4.問題癥結:擴大中的「分裂」而非「分化」過程有何意義?並從總人口的社會經濟差異,預想廿一世紀台灣與全球的關係
附 錄(第三章與第四章)
參考書目
QRCODE
 
 
 
 
 
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
第一頁 上一頁 下一頁 最後一頁 top
無相關期刊