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研究生:陳志洪
研究生(外文):Chih-Hung Chen
論文名稱:江澤民時期中共黨軍關係之研究
論文名稱(外文):Party-Army Relations in the Era of Jiang Zemin
指導教授:林文程林文程引用關係
指導教授(外文):Wen-Cheng Lin
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立中山大學
系所名稱:大陸研究所
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:區域研究學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2002
畢業學年度:90
語文別:中文
論文頁數:102
中文關鍵詞:黨軍關係專業化江澤民
外文關鍵詞:Party-Army RelationsJiang ZeminProfessionalization
相關次數:
  • 被引用被引用:10
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  • 下載下載:238
  • 收藏至我的研究室書目清單書目收藏:6
摘要
江澤民時期,在文人領導不再具有毛、鄧般的革命權威和軍中人脈的環境下,以往以個人權威和革命資歷作為權力基礎的現象,轉變為後強人時期,以制度上的職位所賦予的權威,作為權力基礎的情況。這樣的轉變造成文人領導必須透過協商談判,運用利益交換等手段,以換取軍隊對他的支持。後強人時期,「集體領導」原則是中共權力政治的特徵。江澤民在第三代集體領導班子中,由於並不比其他領導人具有權威,所以必須藉由與特定政治團體或個人,建立政治結盟的方式來鞏固權力。以胡錦濤為核心的第四代領導班子,在即將進行的權力過渡中,也面臨同樣的境況。這種透過政治結盟以鞏固權力基礎的代價,是必須給予結盟團體利益報酬始得維繫。這也是軍隊得以在後強人時期的中共政治領域中,擁有前所未見影響力的原因。
本文在探討江澤民時期之中共黨軍關係時,將軍隊視為政治系統中的一個利益團體之角色。在這樣的前提設定下,筆者在論文鋪陳上提出兩個中心假設:(1)、解放軍在專業化的過程中,逐漸發展出組織本身的團體利益。而這樣的發展,使軍隊和黨以及中共政治系統內的其他組織間,因外貌和利益的不能相容而發生持續的、多面向的衝突;(2)、黨作為掌控國家機器的唯一合法組織,將持續尋求控制軍隊,並限制軍隊在組織利益需求上的表達。在上述兩個假設中,本文將設定數項影響黨、軍關係的變數,這包括政治系統中意識型態的式微、組織功能和專業技巧的被重視、軍隊中政治控制系統的衰弱、軍隊在政治繼承問題上的角色、領導階層集體領導原則的被接受(突顯軍隊在政治繼承問題中的重要性)以及經濟的市場化等因素,探討這些變數對中共黨、軍關係的影響。
Abstract
In the era of Jiang Zemin, the core leader of third generation has not be much more powerful than other leaders. Hence, he needs to build a coalition to gathering varied interests that supported his leadership. He had to bargain and compromise with other leading officials, to generate resources in order to reward and maintain the coalition which supporting him in power. Based on such “give and take” relations, he had been relatively weak when bargain with military or other interest groups within Chinese political system. And that might be the major reason to explain why the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) could get the unforeseeable political influence in the Jiang era.
When discussing the Party-Army relations in the Jiang era, it would be useful to view the PLA as an interest group in the Chinese political system. Therefore, I posit two basic assumptions to analyzing such relations. The first is that army and Party are engaged in a chronic and multiform conflict stemming from their incompatible outlooks and interests. The second is that Party would insist in controlling the army and keep suppressing the expression of its group interests. Besides, several variables would be introduced to identify such conflict. These include the declination of ideological indoctrination, the power reduction of the political control system in the army, the absence of regularized procedures for the transfer of political power within the ruling Party elite, the acceptance of the principle of collective leadership, and the modernization of the economy. These factors would be used to explain the transformation of the Party-Army relations.
目 次
第一章 緒論
第一節 研究動機與目的 1
第二節 理論探討與研究假設 2
第三節 研究方法與研究途徑 6
第四節 研究範圍與限制 9
第五節 章節安排 10
第二章 中共黨軍關係之回顧
第一節 毛澤東時期之黨軍關係 13
第二節 鄧小平時期之黨軍關係 26
第三章 江澤民時期之黨軍關係
第一節 後強人時期黨─軍互動的發展 44
第二節 江澤民時期解放軍專業化、正規化的發展面向 53
第四章 黨軍關係的逆流與困境
第一節 解放軍與中共之外交政策 63
第二節 解放軍與經商活動 74
第五章 結論 87
中文參考書目 92
英文參考書目 94

表次
表2—1:解放軍代表在革委會及重建後之黨委會之比例 24
表2—2:解放軍代表在9大中委會及政治局之比例 25
表3—1:江澤民時期解放軍軍費明細 51
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