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研究生:王乾安
研究生(外文):Chyan-an Arthur Wang
論文名稱:漢語的疑問刪略現象
論文名稱(外文):On Sluicing in Mandarin Chinese
指導教授:蔡維天蔡維天引用關係
指導教授(外文):Wei-tien Dylan Tsai
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:語言學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2002
畢業學年度:90
語文別:英文
論文頁數:113
中文關鍵詞:疑問刪略刪略語音形式刪略焦點詞組多重問句
外文關鍵詞:SluicingEllipsisPF DeletionFocus PhraseMultiple Wh-construction
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所謂的疑問刪略現象 (Sluicing) 指的是疑問詞後接著一個被刪略成分的結構。這個結構從 Ross (1969) 起就不斷的被討論。普遍看法認為刪略的成分是個句子 (IP),而疑問詞不被刪略是因為採行了疑問詞移位 (wh-movement) 離開刪略的句子 (此為 PF Deletion Theory);或是基底衍生 (base-generated) 在 [Spec, CP] 的位置,而在邏輯形式 (Logical Form) 上進行複製先行句的動作以獲得詮釋 (此為 LF Copying Theory) 。
於本篇論文,我採行 PF Deletion 的理論架構來分析。而這個分析要求疑問詞移位必須是顯形移位,早於語音形式 (Phonetic Form; PF) 上的句子刪略 (IP ellipsis)。然而,一般的看法認為漢語缺乏顯形的疑問詞移位現象。因此,就疑問詞刪略的現象來說,我認為漢語的疑問詞採行焦點移位 (focus movement) 並且移位到焦點詞組 (Focus Phrase; FP) 的 Spec 位置。就句法來說,焦點移位引介出新的功能詞組 FP 而此功能詞組的中心語 F 會認可 (license) 句子的刪略。其次,就形態方面來說,漢語的疑問詞跟英語不同在於他們並非能移位的運符 (operator)。最後,就語意方面來說,疑問刪略句往往跟其先行句產生一種語意上的對比,而且疑問刪略句的焦點總是落在疑問詞上面。
其他的證據來自我對漢語多重問句的分析。這些證據清楚的顯示出漢語的疑問詞顯形移位時,必定不會落在 [Spec, CP],因此 [Spec, FP] 會是個更好的選擇。這點對我的分析也是一種佐證。最後的部分討論到漢語疑問刪略句中的一個很特別的現象,也就是 「是」加入 (shi support) 的必要性。無論這個現象的詳細成因為何,他提供了足夠的證據支持疑問詞的顯形移位在漢語是焦點移位而非真正的疑問詞移位。
總而言之,本篇論文所要論證的是漢語的疑問刪略現象是由顯形的焦點移位以及在語音形式的句子刪略所構成的。

Sluicing, the construction of a wh-phrase followed by an (empty) elliptical part, has been an intricate issue discussed since Ross (1969). Most literature states that the elliptical part is an IP, and the wh-phrase is immune from ellipsis since it either wh-moves (PF Deletion, cf. Takahashi 1994) or is base-generated in [Spec, CP] (LF Copying, cf. Chung et al 1995).
I follow PF Deletion approach and this approach requires that wh-movement take place overtly prior to IP ellipsis at PF. However, it is well known that Chinese lacks overt wh-movement. For Sluicing, I propose that wh-phrases in Chinese may utilize Focus Movement , moving into the Spec of Focus Phrase (FP) (cf. Rizzi 1997). Syntactically, focus movement presumes the new functional projection FP and it is the functional head F that licenses IP ellipsis (Lobeck 1995). Morphologically, wh-phrases in Chinese, as proposed by Li (1992) and Tsai (1999), differ from those in English in that wh-phrases in Chinese are not operators that move. Semantically, the sluices always contrast with their antecedents and the focus of the sluices always falls on the wh-phrases. (cf. Merchant 1999)
Further evidence comes from the investigation of the multiple wh-construction in Chinese. The evidence shows that when a wh-phrase in Chinese moves overtly, it is never located in [Spec, CP]. This supports my focus movement analysis. The final part of this thesis focuses on shi support found in Chinese Sluicing. Shi support also plays a crucial role to prove that the wh-phrase in Chinese Sluicing in fact undergoes focus movement.
All in all, I demonstrate in this thesis that a wh-phrase in Chinese undergoes focus movement prior to IP ellipsis when Sluicing applies.

CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER 2 PREVIOUS ANALYSES
2.1 The Classical Analysis of Sluicing
2.2 The Licensing Condition on Ellipsis
2.3 LF Copying Theory
2.4 PF Deletion Theory
2.5 Concluding Remarks
CHAPTER 3 SLUICING IN CHINESE
3.1 Sluicing Data in Chinese
3.2 The Characteristics of Wh-Construction in Chinese
3.3 Analyses
3.3.1 The VP-fronting Analysis
3.3.2 The Cleft Analysis
3.3.3 The Focus Movement Analysis
3.4 More on the Focus Movement Analysis
3.4.1 Focus Nature in Sluicing
3.4.2 Shi Support and Focus Projection
3.5 Summary
CHAPTER 4 FURTHER EVIDENCE AND THEORETICAL CONSEQUENCES
4.1 The Multiple Wh-construction
4.1.1 The Unanswerable Wh-phrase and Focus Projection
4.1.2 The Availability of the Single-pair Answer
4.2 E Feature
4.2.1 Modification of Licensing Condition on Ellipsis
4.2.2 Head-head Relation and E Feature at PF
4.2.3 E Feature and Parallelism
4.3 Shi Support
4.3.1 The Contrast on Shi Support and Its Implications
4.3.2 Shi Support at PF
4.3.3 Grammatical Relation Destroyed by Deletion
4.3.4 Grammatical Violation Salvaged by Deletion
4.4 PF Deletion versus LF Copying
4.5 Concluding Remarks
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION
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