臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

本論文著重國語、台灣閩南語中否定與否定連用詞的研究，並旁及客語、英語中的相關現象。
我們主張，漢語的否定連用詞可分為兩類：一類含有變項(variable)、另一類則否。漢語的“任何”與偏稱wh 詞組“什麼、誰”既是否定連用詞組、又是不定名詞組(indefinite NPs)。這一類的詞組含有變項，需要被一個運符約束。另一類否定連用詞組不是不定名詞組，不含有變項。漢語的一些否定連用副詞如“從來”、“絲毫”屬於這一類。
漢語否定連用副詞（如“從來”）與其他副詞一樣受到認可語(Licensing head)的m統制，而含有變項的否定連用詞（如“任何”）須受到認可語c統制，英語的否定副詞（如翀ver荂^與羖ny 則都受到認可語c統制。這一方面，漢語並不是唯一與英語不同的語言。希臘語中典型的否定連用詞也必須出現在否定的c統制範域之外（Giannakidou (1998)）。我們主張：漢語否定連用副詞與認可語的關係是指示語與主要語（Spec-head）的關係。
我也探討了國語、台灣閩南語、現代蒙古語辭彙否定詞(inherent negatives)與否定連用詞認可的關係，主張辭彙否定詞並不含有隱形的否定詞(covert negator), 那些支持辭彙否定詞可以認可否定連用詞的例子，都可以分析為含有情態詞(modality), 在這些例子中，真正認可否定連用詞的是情態。進一步的比較偏稱wh詞組與“任何”的分布，發現認知情態(epistemic modality)可以認可偏稱wh詞組但不能認可“任何”，而能願情態(root modality)可以認可“任何”卻不能認可偏稱wh詞組。
閩南語、客語可以用"沒什麼" 的形式（如閩南語的bo siann、客語的mo ma-kai）來對應國語“不怎麼”。初步的觀察顯示，容許“有”加上靜態述語(stative predicate)的方言就可以用“沒什麼”表示“不怎麼”。這個現象顯示，在“有”後面的靜態述語可能含有某種“名詞性”(nominal)的性質，因而容許加上“什麼”。可能的分析之一是這些位置的靜態述語已經名物化，就像國語的“我對股市沒什麼研究。”另一個分析是閩南語的靜態述語是與動詞不同的詞類－－形容詞[+V ,+N] ，而國語的靜態述語只是動詞的一個次類，仍為[+V , -N]。
最後，我們也比較了三種從語意角度探討否定連用現象的分析。漢語的語料支持“語意地圖(semantic maps)”或“未定”(undetermined truth value; no entailment of existence; non-veridicality) 的分析，而不支持downward entailment 或 monotone decreasing 的嚴格邏輯蘊含分析。

This thesis aims to investigate the phenomena of negative polarity sensitivity in Chinese. Mandarin Chinese and H?l? Taiwanese (Southern Min) are studied and compared, with occasional reference to English, Mongolian and Hakka. This study focuses on the following two issues from a syntactic perspective. First, what are possible licensers in Chinese and their sharing properties, if any? Second, what are the licensing condition(s)?
We adopt a non-unified analysis to the licensing conditions of Chinese negative polarity items. The distributions of polarity sensitive items are subject to more than one conditions. All NPIs are required to be be in the scope of a polarity operator at LF, where the scope relation is defined in terms of m-command rather than c-command. However, for those polarity sensitive expressions that are also indefinite NPs, they are subject to a more restrictive c-command requirement. Following Li (1992) and Cheng (1994), we treat Chinese indefinite wh-phrases as variables without quantificational force. They need to be bound by an operator in C or a default existential closure. On the other hand, negative sensitive adverbs are not indefinites. They are not variables and thus not subject to the c-command requirement of binding. They are subject to an adjunct licensing condition just as other adverbs are.
Chapter 1 of this thesis gives a general introdution to issues. Chapter 2 gives a sketch of Chinese clausal structure and a brief survey to syntax of negation. Chapter 3 investigates the licensing of indefinite wh-phrases and 偤ny in Mandarin Chinese and H?l? Taiwanese. We argue that in licensing contexts without an overt negator or other licensers, it is the modality, not a covert negator, that licenses the negative sensitive items. Epistemic modality can license 偳xistential wh-phrases but not 偤ny in Chinese, whereas root modality license Chinese 偤ny but not existential wh-phrases.
Chapter 4 deals with indefinite how掇. A comparison of indefinite how''s in Mandarin and Taiwanese reveals that although they have similar distributions, there are some interesting differences. Both Mandarin zenme and Taiwanese an choann can denote degree or frequency. However, the use of an choann ''how'' denoting degree is restricted to stage-level predicates in Holo Taiwanese. More than often, bo siann, literally '' have no what'', rather than bo an anchoann is used to denote low degree or frequency in Holo Taiwanese. On the other hand, Mandarin mei sha or mei shenme ''have no what'' do not have similar degree or frequency usages. We have shown that the asymmetries between Mandarin and Holo Taiwanese is correlated to the (un)acceptablity of Mandarin you ''have'' and Taiwanese u ''have'' taking stative predicate complements. And we argue that in Holo Taiwanese, and in other dialects which emphatical ''have'' is permitted, the stative predicate which ''have'' emphatically asserts has sort of "nominal" feature to some extent so that ''what'' , a pre-nominal element, can occur.
Chapter 5 tackles the licensing of negative polarity sensitive adverbs. Negative sensitive adverbs in Chinese are licensed at the Spec or adjunct position of their licensing head, while their English counterparts such as 偳ver are licensed by c-command.
Chapter 6 gives a general introduction to the semantic properties of polarity sensitivity, and Chapter 7 is the concluding remarks.

Table of Contents
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 THE LANGUAGES INVESTIGATED
1.2 THE SCOPE OF THIS STUDY
1.3 NEGATIVE SENSITIVE ITEMS IN CHINESE
1.4 OUTLINE OF THIS THESIS
CHAPTER 2 A SKETCH ON CHINESE CLAUSAL STRUCTURE AND NEGATION
2.1 INTRODUCTION
2.2 CHINESE NEGATION
2.2.1 DISTRIBUTIONS OF NEGATIVE MARKERS
2.2.1.1 Mandarin
2.2.1.2 Holo Taiwanese
2.2.2 CATEGORIAL STATUS: PROPOSING A NEGP
2.2.3 MORPHOLOGICAL STATUS: ONE MORPHEME OR NOT?
2.2.3.1 Mandarin bu and mei
2.2.3.1.1 Wang (1965) and Tang (1993)
2.2.3.1.2 Ernst (1995)
2.2.2.1.3 A Minimalist Approach
2.2.3.2 Holo Taiwanese
2.2.4 ASPECTUAL SELECTIONS
2.2.5 SUMMARY
CHAPTER 3 POLARITY WH-PHRASES AND ‘ANY’ IN CHINESE
3.1 PREVIOUS ANALYSES
3.1.1 LI (1992); WANG AND HSIEH (1996)
3.1.2 PROGOVAC (1993, 1994)
3.1.3 CHENG (1994); HSIN (1999)
3.1.4 LIN (1996, 1998)
3.1.5 SUMMARY
3.2 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WH-PHRASES IN Holo TAIWANESE
3.3 ON THE LICENSING OF CHINESE WH-PHRASES
3.4 INDEFINITE WH-PHRASES AND CHINESE ‘ANY’
3.4.1 UNIVERSAL WH-PHRASES AND CHINESE ‘ANY’
3.4.2 EXISTENTIAL WH-PHRASES AND CHINESE ‘ANY’
3.4.2.1 Questions
3.4.2.2 Conditionals
3.4.2.3 Negation
3.4.2.3.1 Negative Declaratives
3.4.2.1.4 Negative wh-questions
3.4.2.1.5 Inherent Negatives
3.4.2.1.6 Summary
3.4.2.4 Modality and the licensing of existential wh-phrases and renhe
3.4.2.4.1 Types of modality
3.4.2.4.2 Epistemic modality vs. Root modality
3.4.2.5 Other polarity contexts
3.4.2.5.1 Non-factive predicates
3.4.2.5.2 Adversatives
3.4.2.5.3 Inference le
3.4.2.5.4 Imperative
3.4.2.5.5 Comparatives
3.4.2.5.6 before clause
3.4.2.5.7 at most n N
3.4.2.5.8 Restrictive relative clause
3.4.2.5.9 Relative clauses headed by universal quantifiers
3.5 SUMMARY
CHAPTER 4 INDEFINITE HOW''S IN MANDARIN CHINESE AND HOLO TAIWANESE
4.1 INTRODUCTION
4.2 INDEFINITE LICENSING CONTEXTS
4.2.1 NEGATION
4.2.2 QUESTIONS
4.2.3 CONDITIONALS
4.2.4 CONTEXTS OF UNCERTAINTY
4.2.5 SUMMARY
4.3 INDEFINITE HOW''S AND SITUATION TYPES
4.3.1 STATES
4.3.1.1 Nongradable
4.3.1.2 Gradable states
4.3.1.2.1 Individual-level vs. Stage-level predicates
4.3.1.2.2 Modality
4.3.1.3 Positions
4.3.2 NON-STATES
4.3.2.1 Activities
4.3.2.2 Accomplishments
4.3.2.3 Achievements
4.3.3 SUMMARY
4. 4 SUMMARY
CHAPTER 5 THE LICENSING OF NEGATIVE POLARITY SENSITIVE ADVERBS
5.1 QUESTION-SENSITIVE ADVERBS
5.1.1 LICENSING CONTEXTS
5.1.2 DISTRIBUTIONAL CONSTRAINTS
5.1.3 LICENSING OF QUESTION-SENSITIVE ADVERBS
5.2 NEGATIVE-SENSITIVE ADVERBS
5.2.1 LICENSING CONTEXTS
5.2.2 LICENSING OF NEGATIVE SENSITIVE ADVERBS
5.4 SUMMARY
CHAPTER 6 THE SEMANTIC PROPERTIES OF CHINESE POLARITY LICENSERS: A GENERAL DISCUSSION
6.1 PREVIOUS SEMANTIC APPROACHES
6.1.1 DOWNWARD ENTAILMENT AND MONOTONE DECREASING
6.1.2 A USE/FUNCTION APPROACH: A SEMANTIC MAP
6.1.3 NO-ENTAILMENT OF EXISTENCE AND (NON)VERIDICALITY
6.2 CHINESE POLARITY CONTEXTS IN TERMS OF HIERARCHICAL LOGICAL ENTAILMENT
6.3 CHINESE POLARITY CONTEXTS IN TERMS OF A SEMANTIC MAP
6.4 CHINESE POLARITY CONTEXTS IN TERMS OF (NON)VERIDICALITY
CHAPTER 7 CONCLSION
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