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研究生:蔡志光
研究生(外文):Tsai Chih-kuang
論文名稱:優選理論看馬公地區閩南語音節結構
論文名稱(外文):Syllabification of Makung Southern Min: An Optimality Theory Analysis
指導教授:鍾榮富鍾榮富引用關係
指導教授(外文):Raung-fu Chung
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立高雄師範大學
系所名稱:英語學系
學門:人文學門
學類:外國語文學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2003
畢業學年度:91
語文別:英文
論文頁數:104
中文關鍵詞:優選理論閩南語音節結構強制限制馬公
外文關鍵詞:Optimality TheorySouthern Minsyllable structureconstraintMakung
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長久以來,馬公地區的閩南語在音素、語彙及變調上皆具有獨特性。然而,許多重要的研究只著重語料的收集,對於本地閩南語的音節結構,並沒有深入的探討,並認為與傳統之音節結構無異。傳統的音節結構無法分辨VC及VG的差異,不能解釋唇音異化及鼻音同化的現象,未能提出完整的語音限制,且無法排除不被允許的音節。再者,它無法解釋馬公地區閩南語與台灣南部優勢腔的差異。因此,馬公閩南語中一些特殊的音節結構在以往的研究中只能歸於自由變異。
本文的主要目的是以優選理論探討馬公地區閩南語的音段。我們從閩南語的兩個自然現象開始討論:一個是對於響度原則的尊重,另一個則是對於CV及VC結構在有不同的處理態度。響度原則建構閩南語的音節模組,並且確定音節峰在音節中的地位。在閩南語中,只有響度最大的單母音或是響度持續增加的上升雙母音能位於音節峰的位置,並且,音節峰之後只能存有一個音素。這個概念充份解釋為何上升雙母音後尚能接續一個子音,而下降雙母音後不能存在有任何音素。且也解釋了何以在以往的文獻中,兩個高母音(如/ui/)會被視為下降雙母音,而其後無法加上子音。至於CV及VC結構,前者普遍出現在各地的自然語言之中,較無限制;而後者出現的機會較少,存在的限制也較多。這個情形在閩南語中尤其明顯。
接下來我們針對馬公地區閩南語音節結構提出各種限制。當中最大的差異在於馬公閩南語音段會保持音節峰的完整性。此音節峰保留原則(Max-Peak-IO)的制約層級高於閩語中的異化限制(Dissimilatory Constraint),是造成馬公地區閩語音節差異最主要的原因。這個現象不只出現在單詞的結構中,也可在音節合併的現象中觀察得到。相反的,在台灣南部優勢腔中,異化限制位於制約層級的頂端,因此排除了高度特徵相同的雙母音。最後,我們討論音節合併的現象,音節合併是表層結構的展現,為制約機制的運作過程提供了完整的紀錄。
最後,我們認為基本上每個閩南語次方言的音節架構一致,但對於制約層級排列順序有所不同。在優選理論的架構下,我們為馬公地區閩南語音節結構提出了一套合理的制約組。也證明了其中的差異並非來自於自由變異。

Makung Southern Min has long been considered idiolect because of its specific phonemes, lexemes, and tone sandhi patterns. This is the reason the previous studies focused mainly on data collection. When dealing with the syllabification, a traditional syllable structure used to be the only choice. Such a theory is inadequate in differentiating VC from VG, in explaining labial dissimilation and nasal assimilation, and in proposing a complete set of phonotactic constraints. Therefore, the idiolect syllable performances in SMM are often regarded as free variations.
The purpose of the study is to explore the syllabification of Makung Southern Min under the framework of Optimality Theory. We began the study by discussing the most unmarked phenomena: the Sonority Sequence Principle and the asymmetrical attitudes toward the CV and VC structures. The Sonority Sequence Principle helps construct the Southern Min syllable template and define the peak of the syllable. In Southern Min, either a single vowel or a rising diphthong is to occupy the position of the peak. In addition, there is only one slot for the post-peak segment. Thus we are able to differentiate a rising diphthong from a falling diphthong and to explain why the structure ui or iu is always considered a falling diphthong in the previous studies. Referring to the different attitudes between CV and VC, the former is preferable in natural languages, while the latter is much more restricted. This phenomenon is apparent in Southern Min.
In the following steps, we try to figure out the constraints percolating within each marked domain. In SMM, there is no deletion for the peak. This higher ranked constraint makes SMM and other sub-dialects different. At last, the Southern Min contraction is discussed. . The contracted forms provide empirical examples for us to observe the mechanism of phonotactic constraints.
Under the framework of Optimality Theory, the syllabification of SMM is constructed with an explanatory set of hierarchically ranking constraints. The differences between SMM and other sub-dialects result from different ranking hierarchies, instead of free variations.

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.0 Introduction
1.1 The background of SMM
1.1.1 The Phonemic Inventory of SMM
1.1.2 Uniqueness of SMM Lexemes
1.1.3 Tone Sandhi in SMM
1.2 Issues and Problems
1.3 The Notion of Optimality Theory
1.4 The Organization of the Thesis
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
2.1 Previous Studies on SMM and the Traditional Syllable Structure
2.2 Moraic Theory on Southern Min
2.3 Segmental Theory
2.3.1 Segmental Theory in SM
2.3.2 Difficulties of Chung’s Theory for SMM
2.4 Summary of Chapter Two
CHAPTER THREE: AN OPTIMALITY ANALYSIS
3.0 Introduction
3.1 Universal Constraints in SMM and SMT
3.1.0 Introduction
3.1.1 Sonority Hierarchy in SM
3.1.2 Asymmetrical Attitudes toward CV and VC Domains
3.2 Nuclei Domain
3.2.0 Introduction
3.2.1 The Definition of Peak
3.2.2 Diphthong Structure
3.2.3 Triphthong Structure
3.2.4 Summary
3.3 VC Domain
3.3.0 Introduction
3.3.1 VC Performances in SMT and SMM
3.3.2 Constraints in VC Domain
3.3.3 Summary
3.4 GVC Domain
3.4.0 Introduction
3.4.1 VC-Con Percolation
3.4.2 Vowel Raising in SMM
3.4.3 Summary
3.5 Labial Dissimilation
3.5.0 Introduction
3.5.1 Our Explanation
3.5.2 Summary
3.6 Contraction Form
3.6.0 Introduction
3.6.1 A Marked Case
3.6.2 Our Explanation
3.6.3 Summary
3.7 Summary of Chapter Three
CHAPTER FOUR: CONCLUSION
4.0 Introduction
4.1 Summary of the Findings
4.2 Potential Issues for Further Study

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