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研究生:林蕙珊
研究生(外文):Hui-shan Lin
論文名稱:連讀變調中的方向性及對應性
論文名稱(外文):Directionality in Tone Sandhi and the Effect of Identity Preservation
指導教授:黃慧娟黃慧娟引用關係
指導教授(外文):Hui-chuan Huang
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:語言學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2004
畢業學年度:92
語文別:英文
論文頁數:300
中文關鍵詞:連讀變調變調方向性優選理論天津變調博山變調四縣客家變調成都變調Hakha-Lai 變調北京變調
外文關鍵詞:tone sandhidirectionalityOptimality TheoryTianjin tone sandhiBoshan tone sandhiSixian-Hakka tone sandhiChengdu tone sandhiHakha-Lai tone sandhiBeijing Mandarin tone sandhi
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本篇論文的主旨在於討論聲調語言當中的連讀變調現象。深究的重點是連讀變調現象中難以預測的變調方向性及變調方向性背後之意義。本篇論文所採用的理論模式是優選理論(Optimality Theory)。
根據五個漢語方言(包含了天津方言,博山方言,四縣客家方言,成都方言,和北京方言)以及一個非漢語方言(Hakha-Lai),本文指出了變調方向性和變調輸出聲調(tonal output)之間的關聯。當變調的方向性是由觸發聲調(trigger)運作至目標聲調(target)時,輸出的聲調具有正常運作(normal application)的特性。而當變調的方向是由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調時,輸出的聲調則具有不當運作(misapplication)的特性。本文認為,變調的方向基本上是由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調。因為這個方向性可以使得輸出聲調和其參考的聲調(base)較相同。當這個方向性會衍生出高度有標(highly marked)的形式,或使得位在非變調位置(prominent position)的聲調產生變化時,連讀變調規則的運作方向就會轉而由觸發聲調運作至目標聲調。變調的方向性可以由音韻制約(markedness constraint)/位置信實制約(positional faithfulness constraint)和輸出-輸出信實制約(OO-faithfulness constraint)之間的排列順序而得到預測。
變調方向性背後的動機最主要是為了促成輸出聲調和其參考聲調之間的對應性。為了達成這個對應關係,變調規則必須由目標聲調運作至觸發聲調。不過,這個對應性的達成並非全然無條件的。當連讀變調現象中更高的準則會因對應性的達成而受到違反時,變調的規則就會由相反的方向運行。
This dissertation investigates the nature of tone sandhi by focusing on the issue of unpredictable tone sandhi operation directionalities that has being attracting much attention lately. Based on data of five Chinese dialects, including Tianjin, Boshan, Sixian-Hakka, Chengdu and Beijing Mandarin, and the Kuki-Chin language of Hakha-Lai, an intriguing correlation between tone sandhi operation directionalities and normal vs. misapplications is found. In the tone sandhi patterns that are direction-sensitive, target-to-trigger rule application directionality would produce misapplication outputs (outputs with tonal changes that are not properly conditioned (i.e., overapplication) or failure of tonal changes when properly conditioned (i.e., underapplication)), while trigger-to-target directionality would produce outputs of normal application (outputs with tonal changes that are properly conditioned).
It is argued in this dissertation that over- and underapplications in tone sandhi, like those observed in reduplications and paradigms, are identity effects. They are forced by the desire for a tonal output to be more like a tonal base it prosodically relates to. The desire to achieve identity (captured by the output-to-output correspondence constraint) forces tone sandhi to operate in the target-to-trigger direction, leading to misapplications. Prosodically related outputs would however sometimes fail to correspond. If preserving identity would produce forms that contain highly marked sequences (captured by the markedness constraints) or forms that involve tonal changes taking place at the prominent position (captured by the positional faithfulness constraint), the desire for identity would be sacrificed. In that case, tone sandhi operates in the reverse direction and the resultant outputs are those of normal application. Thus, the directionalities are predictable through the interactions of the markedness constraint/positional faithfulness constraint and the output-to-output correspondence constraints, where the markedness constraint/positional faithfulness constraint must dominate the output-to-output correspondence constraint.
The investigation of the issue of directionality discloses an important feature of tone sandhi. In tone sandhi, identity preservation between prosodically related outputs is important. The output-to-output correspondence relation may force a tonal output to deviate from the canonical surface patterns of the language, so that it becomes more like a tonal base to which it prosodically relates. Identity preservation is highly respected in tone sandhi, unless this would produce forms that are highly marked or forms that involve tonal changes in the wrong position.
CHINESE ABSTRACT i
ENGLISH ABSTRACT iii
DEDICATION v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS viii
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1
1.1 Overview. 1
1.2 Organization 12
CHAPTER 2 DIRECTIONALITY IN TONE SANDHI AND IDENTITY EFFECT 17
2.1 The Literature on Directionality 18
2.1.1 Howard’s Directional Theory 18
2.1.2 Chen’s Derivational Proposal 18
2.2 The Effect of Directionality in Tone Sandhi 20
2.3 Identity Effect in Tone Sandhi 27
2.3.1 Definition of the Prosodic Domain 33
2.3.2 Definition of Base 34
2.4 Normal Application, Overapplication, and Underapplication 36
2.4.1 Back Copying 49
2.4.2 Emergence of the Unmarked (TETU) 50
2.5 Conflicting Directionality, Normal Application and Misapplication 53
2.6 Local Conclusion 55
2.7 Theories and Assumptions Adopted in the Present Analysis of Tone Sandhi 55
2.7.1 The Internal Structure of Tone 56
2.7.2 Allotone Generation and Allotone Selection 58
2.7.3 Separation of Tonal Constraints and Prosodic Constraints 59
2.7.4 Overview of the Constraints for Prosodic Domains 61
CHAPTER 3 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY INSENSITIVE TONE SANDHI:
RIGHT PROMINENT LANGUAGES 65
3.1 Introduction 65
3.2 Tianjin 66
3.2.1 Data and Generalization 66
3.2.2 Tri-tonal Examples, Conflicting Directionalities and Normal vs. Overapplication 75
3.2.2.1 Overapplication 78
3.2.2.2 Normal Application 83
3.2.3 Local Conclusion 89
3.3 Boshan 89
3.3.1 Data and Generalization 89
3.3.2 Tri-tonal Strings, Conflicting Directionality, and Normal, Over-
vs. Underapplication 96
3.3.2.1 Overapplication 98
3.3.2.2 Underapplication 101
3.3.2.3 Normal Application 108
3.4 Sixian-Hakka 115
3.4.1 Data and Generalization 115
3.4.2 Tri-tonal Strings and Overapplication 119
3.5 Prosodic Constraints for Right Prominent Morphosyntactically Insensitive Tone Sandhi 123
3.5.1 The ((σσ)σ) Domain 123
3.5.2 The Prosodic Constraints Set 124
3.6 Conclusion 126
CHAPTER 4 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY INSENSITIVE TONE SANDHI: LEFT
PROMINENT LANGUAGES 129
4.1 Introduction 129
4.2 Chengdu 130
4.2.1 Data and Generalization 130
4.2.2 Tri-tonal Strings, Normal Application and Underapplication 143
4.2.2.1 Underapplication 145
4.2.2.2 Normal Application 150
4.3 Hakha-Lai .154
4.3.1 Data and Generalization 154
4.3.2 Normal and Underapplication in Multi-tonal Strings 160
4.3.2.1 Underapplication 163
4.3.2.2 Normal Application 167
4.4 Prosodic Constraints for Tonal Domain of Left Prominent
Morphosyntactically Insensitive Tone Sandhi 169
4.4.1 The (σ(σσ)) Domain 169
4.4.2 The Prosodic Constraints Set 170
4.5 Conclusion 171
CHAPTER 5 MORPHOSYNTACTICALY SENSITIVE TONE SANDHI 174
5.1 Introduction 174
5.2 Data and Generalization 176
5.3 Tri-tonal Strings, and Normal application vs. Overapplication 177
5.3.1 Overapplication 179
5.3.2 Normal application 181
5.4 Prosodic Constraints for Beijing Mandarin Tone Sandhi Domain 183
5.4.1 Shih’s (1986) Analysis 184
5.4.2 The Non-PP Utterances 185
5.4.3 The PP Utterances 195
5.5 Supporting Evidence From Tone Sandhi In Transliterations, and
Nonsense Words 199
5.5.1 Tone Sandhi Patterns in Nonsense Words, and Transliterations 199
CHAPTER 6 ALTERNATIVE ANALYSES 207
6.1 Rule Based Analysis 207
6.2 Constraint-based Analysis Without Output-to-Output Correspondence211
6.3 Constraints on Derivation 215
6.4 Direct Mapping 223
6.5 Harmonic Serialism 227
6.5.1 Chen’s Attempt to Tianjin Tone Sandhi 228
6.5.2 Boshan Tone Sandhi 230
6.6 Summary 232
CHAPTER 7 CONCLUDING REMARKS 234
7.1 Directionality and Identity Effect 234
7.2 Summary of the Faithfulness and the Markedness Constraints 235
7.3 Tone Sandhi in Longer Strings 239
7.3.1 Sixian-Hakka 241
7.3.2 Tianjin Tone Sandhi 248
7.4 Extensions of the Prosodic Correspondence 252
APPENDIX A: SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS 255
APPENDIX B: TONAL CONSTRAINTS AND PROSODIC CONSTRAINTS 257
A.1 Tonal Constraints 257
A.2 Prosodic Constraints 260
APPENDIX C: AN ATTEMPT TO ALLOTONE PAIRINGS 261
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