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研究生:劉昆龍
研究生(外文):Adlay Kun-long Liu
論文名稱:論賽考利克泰雅語關係子句
論文名稱(外文):On Relativization in Squliq Atayal
指導教授:蔡維天蔡維天引用關係
指導教授(外文):Wei-Tien Dylan Tsai
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:語言學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2004
畢業學年度:92
語文別:英文
論文頁數:199
中文關鍵詞:賽考利克泰雅語關係子句外在型關係子句內在型關係子句詞組結構移位
外文關鍵詞:Squliq AtayalRelative ClausesEHRCsIHRCsPhrase StructureMovement
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本論文從田調語言學和衍生句法學的角度,研究尖石地區賽考利克泰雅語的關係子句。帶有連繫詞ka�祖疑鰜Y子句和不帶有連繫詞ka�祖疑鰜Y子句,證明為兩種不同的關係子句。前者結構上為「外在型關係子句」,語意上為「限制性關係子句」;而後者結構上為「內在型關係子句」,語意上為「非限制性關係子句」。這項區別可以由詞序、接應代詞、時間狀語和專有名詞等證據支持。連繫詞ka�砟]證明為補語標記,並非關係代名詞或是格位標記。
基於泰雅語的外在型關係子句,我們主張傳統的「標準分析法」較優於Kayne(1994)所提出的「非對稱分析法」。雖然非對稱分析法可以衍生各種線性次序,但是這種分析不僅會造成過度衍生的現象,更無法解釋賽考利克泰雅語中補語標記的省略。相反地,標準分析法不但沒有這些問題,還能一致性地解釋泰雅語、漢語和英語中外在型關係子句的詞組結構。此外,泰雅語的外在型關係子句呈現出孤島效應上的「論元-附加語不對稱」,以及關係化上的「主賓語不對稱」,這些現象更加支持標準分析法的分析。
至於泰雅語的內在型關係子句,因為句法上的分佈不相同,所以並不能分析為狀語子句。就孤島效應而論,名前內在型關係子句和名後內在型關係子句在句法上有其不同:前者的中心名詞移位至補語詞組的指示語位置,檢驗時間屬性和關係化屬性;後者的中心名詞則基底衍生在補語詞組的指示語位置。然而,不論名前名後,內在型關係子句都是非限制性關係子句。
This thesis investigates the relative clauses (RCs) in Jianshi Squliq Atayal from the viewpoint of Field Linguistics and Generative Syntax. It is argued that RCs with the linker ka�� (ka��-RCs) and RCs without the linker ka�� (bare RCs) are two different kinds of relative clauses. The former are structurally externally-headed and semantically restrictive while the latter are structurally internally-headed and semantically nonrestrictive. This distinction can be buttressed by evidence from word order, resumptive pronoun, temporal adverbial and proper name. The linker ka�� is also proven to be a complementizer rather than a relative pronoun or a case marker.
On the basis of externally-headed relative clauses (EHRCs) in Squliq Atayal, we claim that the standard approach is superior to the Antisymmetric approach proposed by Kayne (1994). Although the Antisymmetric approach can easily generate all kinds of linear order, it not only results in the problem of overgeneration but also cannot account for the omission of the complementizer in Squliq Atayal. On the contrary, the standard approach does not have these problems and it can consistently explain the phrase structure of EHRCs in Squliq Atayal, English and Chinese. Besides, EHRCs in Squliq Atayal exhibit the argument-adjunct asymmetry in island effects and the subject-object asymmetry in relativization, which further prefers the standard approach.
As for internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs) in Squliq Atayal, they are not adverbial clauses since their syntactic distribution is different from that of adverbial clauses in Squliq Atayal. In terms of island effects, it is proposed that prenominal IHRCs and postnominal IHRCs are syntactically different: the head noun of prenominal bare RCs moves to Spec-CP to check off T-feature and [REL] while the head noun of postnominal bare RCs is base-generated at Spec-CP. However, whether IHRCs are pronominal or postnominal, they are genuine nonrestrictive relative clauses.
English Abstract i
Chinese Abstract iii
Acknowledgements iv
Table of Contents vi
Abbreviations & Symbols xi

Chapter One: Preamble 1
1. Introduction 1
2. The Linguistic Status of Squliq Atayal 1
2.1 The Austronesian Family & Formosan Languages 1
2.2 Squliq Atayal in Formosan Languages 3
3. Organization of this Thesis 5
4. Summary 6

Chapter Two: A Sketch of Squliq Atayal Grammar 7
1. Overview 7
2. Phonology and Orthography 7
2.1 Phonemic Inventory 7
2.2 Prosodic Structure & Stress 9
2.3 Orthography 11
3. Syntax 12
3.1 Predicate-initial Language 13
3.2 Case-marking System 15
3.3 Personal Pronominal System 17
3.3.1 Person & Number 17
3.3.2 Bound Pronouns as Clitics 18
3.3.3 Independent Pronouns 22
3.4 Voice/Focus System 23
3.4.1 What’s the Voice/Focus System? 24
3.4.2 Four Voices in Squliq Atayal 26
3.5 Modal, Temporal and Aspectual System 29
3.5.1 Classification 29
3.5.2 Morphological Realizations 31
3.5.3 Auxiliaries 33
4. Summary 34

Chapter Three: Relative Clauses & Complementizer Ka�� 36
1. Overview 36
2. Literature Review 36
2.1 RCs in Wulai Atayal 37
2.2 RCs in Mayrinax Atayal 38
2.3 Comparison 40
3. One or Two? 41
3.1 Subject-sensitivity 41
3.2 Ka��-RCs vs. Bare RCs 46
3.2.1 Word Order 46
3.2.2 Resumptive Pronoun 49
3.2.3 Temporal Adverbial 55
3.2.4 Proper Name 60
3.3 Two Kinds of RCs 62
4. The Syntactic Status of Ka�� 63
4.1 Three Possibilities 63
4.2 Ka�� as a Complementizer 65
4.2.1 Morphology 66
4.2.2 Free Relatives 67
4.2.3 Attributive Modification 69
4.2.4 Case System 71
4.3 Additional Evidence from other Formosan Languages 71
5. Summary 74

Chapter Four: Externally Headed Relative Clauses 75
1. Overview 75
2. Theoretical Background 75
2.1 The Standard Approach 75
2.2 The Kaynian Approach 78
2.3 Brief Comparison 83
3. Phrase Structure 85
3.1 Adjunction vs. Complementation 85
3.2 Linear Order 87
3.3 Demonstratives & Possessives 90
3.3.1 Postnominal DPs 90
3.3.2 The Standard Account 93
3.3.3 The Kaynian Account 97
3.3.4 Possessives & RCs 102
3.4 Stacked EHRCs 105
3.4.1 Stacking of RRCs 105
3.4.2 Two Postnominal Modifiers 109
3.4.3 Complement Clause & RC 113
3.5 The Optimal Phrase Structure 116
3.5.1 The Standard View 116
3.5.2 The Kaynian View 117
3.5.3 Optimal Choice 119
4. Internal Structure of EHRCs 120
4.1 Island Effects 120
4.2 Subject-sensitivity 127
4.3 Resumption 131
4.4 Adjunct Relativization 134
4.5 The Optimal Approach 137
4.5.1 The Head-Raising Approach 137
4.5.2 The Pro Approach 141
5. Summary 146

Chapter Five: Internally Headed Relative Clauses 148
1. Overview 148
2. Theoretical Background 148
3. Properties and Phrase Structure 150
3.1 Not Adverbial Clauses 150
3.2 Temporal Adverbial 154
3.3 No Definiteness Restriction 156
3.4 Island Effects 158
3.4.1 Prenominal Bare RCs 159
3.4.2 Postnominal Bare RCs 167
3.5 Existential Implication 171
3.6 Nominalized Clauses 172
3.6.1 Analysis of Prenominal Bare RCs 174
3.6.2 Analysis of Postnominal Bare RCs 177
3.6.3 On Definiteness Restriction & Existential Implication 179
4. Non-restrictive? 180
4.1 Negative Scope 180
4.2 Stacking 181
4.3 Aboutness Topic 182
4.4 Identification 184
5. Summary 186

Chapter Six: Concluding Remarks 187

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