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研究生:陳依新
研究生(外文):Yi-Hsin Chen
論文名稱:評析美國步槍協會之反槍枝管制
論文名稱(外文):National Rifle Association and Anti-gun Campaign
指導教授:李本京李本京引用關係
指導教授(外文):Thomas, B. Lee
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:淡江大學
系所名稱:美國研究所碩士班
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:區域研究學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2007
畢業學年度:95
語文別:中文
論文頁數:169
中文關鍵詞:全國步槍協會槍枝管制軍火業
外文關鍵詞:National Rifle Associationgun controlfirearms
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美國特殊的殖民地歷史背景和其國家的開發過程造就其獨一無二的槍枝文化,而最高法院又未對憲法第2條修正案裡「民兵(militia)」的定義做出清楚的解釋,導致擁槍團體認為憲法第2條修正案的「民兵」指的是「全體人民」,是保障人民擁有自身保護和對抗濫權政府的武裝權;而反槍團體則是認為憲法第2條修正案的「民兵」指的是州政府,是保障州權對抗聯邦政府的濫權。因此憲法第2條修正案使得「槍枝是否應該管制」成了一個爭議性十足的社會問題亦進而使得這個問題在美國社會中變成一種會「循環」的運動。
根據研究槍枝管制的知名學者史派哲(Robert J. Spitzer)指出「槍枝是否應該管制」的問題以一種「憤怒(outrage)─反應(action)─反撲或再反應(reaction)」的模式在「循環」,稱之為「槍枝運動的循環」。首先發生了令社會大眾「憤怒」的槍殺案件,接著反槍團體便會開始對「槍枝應該管制」進行一系列的「反應」動作,如向國會議員施壓使其能提出槍枝管制的法案或街頭抗議遊行活動等,而在槍枝管制法案出爐時,這時以全國步槍協會為首的擁槍團體則會對槍枝管制法開始「反撲」亦即對反槍團體的訴求展開一系列的反制,主要方法就是透過協會本身的強大勢力影響國會議員和其組織的會員,在國會議員方面,透過大量政治獻金的贊助促使國會議員與其立場一致和高度動員會員的草根力量來強化對國會議員的遊說能力;協會會員方面,提供良好的會員福利、豐富的槍枝資訊和專業的槍枝安全訓練使其對協會的向心力強大;而在軍火業方面,則是藉由提供大量的廣告版面替其宣傳而達到利益共享之目的。
由於本文只討論分析第1波槍枝運動的循環,所以在槍枝法案裡只討論完成第1波槍枝運動的循環法案形成背景、內容及其影響,而法案分別為1968《槍枝管制法》和1986《槍枝擁有者保護法》。而在討論分析的過程中亦會研究美國步
槍協會的形成背景、組織運作和內部鬥爭,最後並檢視美國步槍協會在第1波槍枝運動的循環所發揮的力量,因為美國步槍協會在「槍枝運動的循環」之中所扮演的角色相當的重要,若是本身沒有強大的勢力和精密的運作是無法在廣大的輿論之下促使政府通過對其有利的法案,因此了解美國步槍協會是認識美國槍枝文化和理解為何槍枝管制會是個爭議性問題的重要一步。
The United States of America’s unique gun culture is a product of the country’s colonial past and national development. Due to the Supreme Court’s ambiguous definition of the word militia in the Second Amendment of the Bill of Rights, pro-gun lobbyist argue that the word militia refers to all citizens. Thus they believe that each and every citizen has the right to bear arms in order to prevent the government from abusing its power. On the other hand, anti-gun groups, assume that militia refers to a group of citizens authorized, by the state, with the power to stand against the federal government’s centralization of authority. Consequently, this unclear definition of gun control has become a very controversial issue and has turned out to be a serious cyclical problem in America.
Robert J. Spitzer, in his research on gun control, points out that this cycle is one of “outrage-action-reaction”. The cycle of outrage, action, and reaction usually begins with the sensational and the horrific. The shooting deaths of Senator Robert F. Kennedy and the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., both in 1968, were more recent instances when public outrage over deaths caused by guns prompted a significant reaction; the subsequent passage of the federal Gun Control Act of 1968. Building on popular outrage, anti-gun groups pressed for stronger gun laws in Congress and many state legislatures. They also protested in public in order to achieve their goal: gun control. They met with only some success. The outrage-action-reaction cycle is symptomatic of the fundamental value conflict at the heart of the gun issue.
Pro-gun groups, spearheaded by the National Rifle Association (NRA), have fought all of these efforts. These forces were mostly successful in blocking gun control measures in the states and at the Federal level. Their success has mainly been due to the powerful leverages they can impose financially or through other means such as political support. For the sake of getting legislators to stand with them on the same pro-gun issues, the NRA has offered a good deal of election money to support their elections and using its high indigenous organization strength to reinforce the function of persuading the legislators. As for club members, the NRA provides generous welfare, copious gun information and professional training in order to gain devotion. Furthermore, the NRA promotes its products and ideals through commercial avenues such as magazines and commercials free of charge to the firearms industry thus gaining further strong backing.
This paper will focus on the first cycle of outrage-action-reaction with strong emphasis on effects of the Gun Control Act of 1968 and the Firearm Owners Protection Act of 1986. Furthermore, the buildup, operation and conflicts of the NRA are examined for realizing its effective power. Finally, the NRA’s role in the first cycle is analyzed for its importance in the anti-gun campaign.
第壹章 緒論
第一節 研究目的、方法、範圍與限制…………………………1
第二節 文獻探討…………………………………………………11
第貳章 美國槍枝運動之起源
第一節 槍枝文化…………………………………………………18
第二節 槍枝管制機制之起源……………………………………32
第三節 槍枝運動循環之導火線─憲法第2條修正案…………36
第叁章  第1波槍枝運動循環的形成背景
第一節 1968年《槍枝管制法》的形成背景……………………53
第二節 1986年《槍枝擁有者保護法》的形成背景……………69
第三節 全國步槍協會的反制……………………………………80
第肆章  全國步槍協會的形成運作
第一節 全國步槍協會的形成因素背景…………………………85
第二節 全國步槍協會轉型的轉捩點─辛辛那提革命…………88
第三節 全國步槍協會內部組織的改革、運作與鬥爭…………91
第伍章 槍枝運動循環之下全國步槍協會的反制力量之分析
第一節 高額的政治獻金…………………………………………107
第二節 強大的遊說力量和高度動員的草根運動………………113
第三節 密切的政府和軍火商關係………………………………136
第陸章  結論………………………………………………………147

參考書目……………………………………………………………152

附錄一………………………………………………………………165

附錄二………………………………………………………………168
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英文論文:
Lotwis, Mark A. “Congressional Decision-Making: An Integration Between Members of Congress, Constituents, and Interest”, Ph. D. diss., America University, 1993.
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