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研究生:林欣吟
研究生(外文):Hsin-yin, Lin
論文名稱:中文析取連接詞之研究:以‘還是’為例
論文名稱(外文):Disjunctions in Mandarin Chinese: A Case Study of Haishi ‘or’
指導教授:郭進屘郭進屘引用關係
指導教授(外文):Chin-man Kuo
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立高雄師範大學
系所名稱:台灣文化及語言研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:台灣語文學類
論文種類:學術論文
畢業學年度:96
語文別:英文
中文關鍵詞:析取連接詞(非)真實性極詞依賴性不定詞
外文關鍵詞:Disjunction(Non)veridicalityPolarity ItemDependent Indefinite
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此篇論文主要著重於中文析取連接詞「還是」之研究。主要探討三個議題:(一)「還是」本身的詞彙特性。(二)「還是」之語意。(三)「還是」與「或」之間的差異性。
  本論文首先觀察中文的「還是」不定詞片語(indefinite haishi-phrase)的分佈,發現其分佈具有其限制性,且出現環境的共通性可以歸納為「非真實性」(nonveridicality)。因此本篇論文假設中文的「還是」片語是一個「極詞」(Polarity Item),而中文的「還是」不定詞片語有許多方面表現得像匈牙利語中的析取連接詞,因此似乎支持Szabolcsi (2002, 2004)所提出的正極詞分析(PPI-analisysi)。然而根據進一步地探討,我們可以發現這些反例皆可用Giannakidou (1994, 1998, 2002)的「非真實性」概念加以反駁。因此,本篇論文認為中文的「還是」片語應該是分析為負極詞,而非Szabolcsi所分析的正極詞。
此外,根據Giannakidou (2002)的分析,我們可將中文「還是」片語的限制性歸因於其詞彙特性,因此「還是」片語可以更進一步地分析為依賴性不定詞(dependent indefinite)。最後,本文認為相較於「還是」,「或」本身並不是負極詞,而僅只是一個一般性不定詞(regular indefinite)。
The main purpose of this thesis is to concentrate on the investigation of disjunction haishi in Chinese. Three questions are discussed: i) the lexical properties of haishi; ii) the semantics of haishi; iii) the difference between haishi and huo.
We find that the distribution of Chinese indefinite haishi-phrases is restricted to appear in some environment, and the common property shared by these environments is ‘nonveridicality’. Based on the data, I assume that the Chinese haishi-phrase is a polarity item, since the distribution of haishi-phrase is similar with the expressions that are restricted to some linguistic environments for acceptability. However, there are some counterexamples which seem to support Szabolcsi’s (2002, 2004) Positive Polarity Item-analysis. However, there are many counterexamples argue against the suggestion that indefinite haishi-phrases should be analyzed as PPIs. Moreover, I follow Giannakidou’s (1994, 1998, 2002) ‘(non)veridicality’, and argue that all the counterexamples can be explained by ‘(non)veridicality’. Therefore, I propose that the negative operator bu ‘not’ is not a proper licensor for Chinese indefinite haishi-phrases.
Finally, according to Giannakidou (2002), we can conclude that the restrictive distribution of indefinite haishi-phrases is attributed to the lexical semantic content of its NPI-property. That is, indefinite haishi-phrases are dependent indefinites. I argue that haishi is not only a dependent indefinite but also a polarity item. However, huo is not a polarity item but a regular indefinite; hence, its distribution is not as restricted as haishi.
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Motivation and Goals 1
1.2 Theoretical Assumptions of the Thesis 3
1.3 Organization of the Thesis 5
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction 6
2.2 Previous Studies on Chinese Disjunction Haishi 6
2.2.1 Chao (1968) 7
2.2.2 Lü (1980, 1990) 9
2.2.3 Li (1982) 13
2.2.4 Huang (2004) 15
2.3 Previous Studies on English Disjunction Or 16
2.3.1 Larson (1985) 16
2.3.2 Higginbotham (1991) 28
2.4 Summary 36
CHAPTER 3: THE DISTRIBUTION OF INDEFINITE HAISHI-PHRASES IN CHINESE
3.1 Introduction 39
3.2 The Interpretations of Haishi ‘or 39
3.2.1 Interrogative 40
3.2.2 Existential 42
3.2.3 Universal 46
3.3 The Distribution of Chinese Indefinite Haishi-Phrases 47
3.3.1 Negation 48
3.3.2 Conditionals 59
3.3.3 Questions 63
3.3.3.1 Yes-No Questions 63
3.3.3.2 A-not-A Questions 64
3.3.4 Strong Negative Adverbs 65
3.3.5 Restriction of Universal Quantifiers 68
3.3.6 Non-Factive Adversative Predicates 70
3.3.7 Factive Adversative Predicates 71
3.3.8 Weak Downward-Entailing Determiners 72
3.3.9 Weak Negative Adverbs 73
3.3.10 Tentativeness and Uncertainty 74
3.3.11 Non-Factive Verbs 76
3.3.12 Imperatives 79
3.3.13 Modal Verbs 79
3.3.14 Zhiyou ‘Only’ 80
3.3.15 Episodic 81
3.3.16 Before 82
3.3.17 After 84
3.3.18 Factive Verbs 86
3.3.19 Hardly/ Barely 87
3.3.20 Inference-Le 87
3.4 Summary 89
CHAPTER 4: THE POLARITY STATUS OF CHINESE DISJUNCTION HAISHI
4.1 Introduction 95
4.2 The Licensing of NPI Haishi-Phrases 96
4.2.1 Downward-Entailing Operators 96
4.2.2 Nonveridical Operators 98
4.2.4 Summary 116
4.3 The Syntactic Analysis of Chinese Indefinite Haishi-Phrases 117
4.3.1 The Restricted Scope of Chinese Indefinite Haishi- Phrases 117
4.3.2 The Licensing Relation between Licensors and
Indefinite Haishi-Phrases 119
4.3.3 The Definition of NPIs 125
4.3.4 Blocking-Effect 126
4.3.5 The Appearance of Focus Particle SHI 128
4.4 Counterexamples: Positive Polarity Item 130
4.4.1 Szabolcsi (2002, 2004) 131
4.4.2 The PPI-Behavior of Chinese Disjunction Haishi 135
4.5 Bu ‘not’ is not a Proper NPI-Licensor for Indefinite Haishi-Phrases 146
4.5.1 Complements of Non-factive Predicates or Strong Intensional Verbs 148
4.5.2 Relative Clause 152
4.5.3 Because 154
4.5.4 Habitual Sentences 156
4.5.5 Few 161
4.5.6 The Difference between Bu ‘not’ and Mei(you) ‘not (have)' 163
4.5.7 Summary 168
4.6 Dependent Indefinites 168
4.7 The Difference between Haishi and Huo 170
4.8 Conclusion 176
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS
5.1 Summary of Results 178
5.2 Theoretical Contribution 180
5.3 Suggestion for Future Study 181
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