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研究生:高琳恩
研究生(外文):Kao, Leanne
論文名稱:制衡「中國威脅論」--中國國際形象行銷研究
論文名稱(外文):Marketing against the “China Threat”:A Study of China’s International Image Promotion
指導教授:李國雄李國雄引用關係鄧中堅鄧中堅引用關係
指導教授(外文):Lee, Kuo HsiungTeng, Chung Chian
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立政治大學
系所名稱:中國大陸研究英語碩士學程(IMCS)
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:區域研究學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2009
畢業學年度:97
語文別:英文
論文頁數:129
中文關鍵詞:中國威脅論公眾外交軟實力國際形象
外文關鍵詞:China threatPublic diplomacySoft powerGlobal image
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中國於1971年加入聯合國,藉此重返國際社會;但在毛澤東主政下,中國仍自我封鎖。鄧小平於1976年接替毛澤東後,終於在1979年開啟中國的大門;此時國際環境中現有的規則、制度及價值,大多為西方國家所主導。中國做為後來者,在二十年間成為亞洲經濟的動力來源,世界各國無不密切觀察其快速的崛起;對於中國在國際體系中扮演的角色,以及該如何面對中國竄升的實力,國際間出現兩種看法。

第一種看法將中國視為必須加以防堵的威脅,第二種則將中國視為可透過交往加以運用的機會。「中國威脅論」之說,在1989年的六四天安門鎮壓事件發生後到達顛峰,中國面臨遭到國際孤立的局面,中國政府因此深刻體認到國際聲譽及形象受損的嚴重後果。而當中國共產黨執政的正當性日益仰賴經濟改革成果之際,中國政府更急於塑造友善的國際環境,使其經濟改革得以前進。中國政府開始啟動了全面的國際形象改造,以緩和將中國視為威脅的國際氛圍。

中國領導人自此大力宣傳其「和平崛起」,並在其傳統文化中尋找「軟實力」元素,做為推展多面向公眾外交的後盾。本文內容主要檢視中國擁有的軟實力資源,及其推動高層官員出訪、積極參與國際論壇、主辦北京奧運及上海博覽會等公眾外交作為,結論認為中國的國際形象改造計畫,在全球不同的區域獲致不同的成效。
China reentered the international community in 1971 when it joined the United Nations, but it remained a closed country under Mao’s watch. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976 and he opened China’s door in 1979 to a global environment where existing rules, institutions, and values had been largely shaped by western countries. In two decades the latecomer has become the economic powerhouse in Asia and has had other states watching its rapid rise in the global community. Two rival views have since emerged as to China’s role in the international order and how to deal with its rising power.
The first deems China as a threat to be contained. The second projects China as an opportunity that can be employed through engagement. The “China threat” argument reached its height after the crackdown on student protest at the Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The aftermath of international isolation seriously alerted the Chinese government to the effect of severe damage to its reputation and image internationally. As the Chinese Communist Party’s power legitimacy increasingly relies on delivering economic success, the Chinese government became ever more eager to create a friendly international environment where its economic development may be furthered. The Chinese government has since launched a sweeping reform of its global image to smooth away the perception of China as a threat.
Chinese leaders have since touted its “peaceful rise” and turned to its traditional culture for soft power resources to better support its public diplomacy on all possible fronts. Examining China’s soft power resources and its efforts in staging high-level official visits, actively participating in international forums, and hosting the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai World Exposition, this thesis finds that China’s global image promotion has reaped various degree of success in different regions.
Chapter 1: Introduction ……………………………………………………1
1.1. Motivations and Purposes …………………………………………2
1.2. Background and Research Questions………………………………3
1.3. Literature Review ……………………………………………………7
1.3.1. Images of States ……………………………………………………7
1.3.2 China’s Images ……………………………………………………10
1.3.3 International Socialization …………………………………12
1.3.4 Soft Power and Public Diplomacy ……………………………17
1.4. Scopes and Limitations ……………………………………………21
1.5. Method and Framework………………………………………………22

Chapter 2: China and Its Global Image ……………………………27
2.1 Conceptual Meanings of State Image and Its Reshaping…27
2.2 The Importance of Images in International Politics …34
2.3 Factors Contributing to China’s Image Reshaping ………37
2.2.1 Regime type …………………………………………………………38
2.2.2 Change of Leadership and Decline of Political Ideology ………………………………………………………………………42
2.2.3 International Socialization and Evolving National
Interests ………………………………………………………………………45
2.2.4 The “China Threat”………………………………………………49
2.4 Necessity for Remaking Chinese Global Images ……………51
2.5 Fundamental Issues Surrounding Chinese Global Image…53

Chapter 3: Chinese Soft Power …………………………………………58
3.1 Defining Soft Power …………………………………………………59
3.2 Soft Power in Chinese Terms ……………………………………61
3.3 Chinese Soft Power ……………………………………………………64
3.3.1 The Chinese Culture ………………………………………………65
3.3.2 Chinese Broadcasting Power……………………………………68
3.3.3 Chinese Originated Value: The Beijing Consensus……69
3.3.4 Chinese Style of Diplomacy ……………………………………72

Chapter 4: Chinese Public Diplomacy ………………………………80
4.1 Public Diplomacy and International Image …………………83
4.2 High-Level Official Visits ………………………………………88
4.3 International Forums as Public Relations …………………92
4.4 Mega Events………………………………………………………………100
4.4.1 The 2008 Beijing Olympics……………………………………100
4.4.2 The 2010 Shanghai Expo …………………………………………105

Chapter 5: Conclusion ……………………………………………………107

Chapter 6: Bibliography ………………………………………………122
Books:
[1] Cheung, Gordon C. K. (1998). Market Liberalism: American Foreign Policy toward China. New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers.
[2] Jacobson, Harold Karan, & Oksenberg, Michel. (1990). China’s Participation in the IMF, the World Bank, and GATT: Toward a Global Economic Order. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
[3] d’Hooghe, Ingrid. (2005). Public Diplomacy in the People’s Republic of China. In G. R. Berridge (Ed.), The New Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations (pp. 88-105). New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
[4] Jervis, Robert. (1976). Perception and Misperception in International Politics. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.
[5] Kunczik, Michael. (1997). Images of Nations and International Public Relations. Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
[6] Kurlantzick, Joshua. (2007). Charm Offensive: How China’s Power is Transforming the World. New Haven: Yale University Press.
[7] Manheim, Jarol B. (1994). Strategic Public Diplomacy and American Foreign Policy: The Evolution of Influence. New York: Oxford University Press.
[8] Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (2004). Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs.
[9] Rokeach, Milton. (1960). Nature of Belief Systems and Personality Systems. New York: Basic Books.
[10] Shirk, Susan. (2007). China: Fragile Superpower. New York: Oxford University Press.
[11] Taylor, Trevor. (1986). Politics and the Olympic Spirit,” in Lincoln Allison, ed., The Politics of Sport. Manchester, England: University of Manchester Press, pp. 216-241.
[12] Waltz, Kenneth. (1979). Theory of International Politics. Menlo Park: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.

Journal Articles:
[1] Alamgir, Jalal. (2000). Benefiting from Globalization: Policy Agenda for Developing Countries. International Studies Review, 2, 120-124.
[2] Alderson, Kai. (2001). Making Sense of State Socialization. Review of International Studies, 27, 415-433.
[3] Ba, Alice D. (2003). China and ASEAN: Reanimating Relations for a 21st-Century Asia. Asian Survey. 43(4), 622-647.
[4] Boulding, K. E. (1959). National Images and International Systems. The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 3, 120-131.
[5] Chan, Gerald. (2005). Globalization Rules and China’s Compliance. China Report, 41(1), 59-67.
[6] Checkel, Jeffrey T. (2001) Why Comply? Social Learning and European Identity Change. International Organization, 55, 553-588.
[7] Chen, Qimao. (1993). New Approaches in China’s Foreign Policy: The Post-Cold War Era. Asian Survey, 33, 237-251.
[8] Deng, Yong. (1998). The Chinese Conception of National Interests in International Relations. The China Quarterly, 154, 308-329.
[9] Dittmer, Lowell. (1980). The Legacy of Mao Zedong. Asian Survey, 20(5), 552-573.
[10] Eban, Abba. (1983). The New Diplomacy. New York: Random House.
[11] Economy, Elizabeth. (2004). Don’t Break the Engagement. Foreign Affairs, 83, 96-109.
[12] Feinerman, James V. (1995). Chinese Participation in the International Legal Order: Rogue Elephant or Team Player? The China Quarterly, 141. Special Issue: China’s Legal Reform, 186-210.
[13] Finnemore, Martha., & Sikkink, Kathryn. (1998). International Norm Dynamics and Political Change. International Organization, 52, 887-917.
[14] Flockhart, Trine. (2006). “Complex Socialization”: A framework for the Study of State Socialization. European journal of International Relations, 12(1), 89-136.
[15] Foot, Rosemary. (1998). China in the ASEAN Regional Forum: Organizational Process and Domestic Modes of Thought. Asian Survey, 38, 425-440.
[16] Goldstein, Avery. (2001). The Diplomatic Face of China’s Grand Strategy: A Rising Power’s Emerging Choice. The China Quarterly, 168, 835-864.
[17] Hertz, John H. (1982). Political Realism Revisited. International Studies Quarterly, 25(2), 182-197.
[18] Hirshberg, Matthew S. (1993). Consistency and Change in American Perceptions of China. Political Behavior, 15, 247-263.
[19] Holsti, Ole R. (1962). The Belief System and National Images: A Case Study. The Journal of Conflict Resolution, 6, 244-252.
[20] Hsiung, James C. (1995). China’s Omni-Directional Diplomacy: Realignment to Cope with Monopolar U.S. Power. Asian Survey, 35, 573-586.
[21] Ikenberry, G. John, & Kupchan, Charles A. (1990). Socialization and Hegemonic Power. International Organization, 44, 283-315.
[22] Ikenberry, G. John, (2008). The Rise of China and the Future of the West. Foreign Affairs, 87(1). 23-55.
[23] Isaacs, Harold R. (1956). Scratches on Our Minds. The Public Opinion Quarterly, 20, 197-211.
[24] Johnston, Iain Alastair. (2001). Treating International Institutions as Social Environments. International Studies Quarterly, 45, 487-515.
[25] Kent, Ann. (2002). China’s International Socialization: The Role of International Organizations. Global Governance, 8, 343-364.
[26] Kim, Samuel S. (1990). Thinking Globally in Post-Mao China. Journal of Pease Research, 27(2), Special Issue on the Challenge of Global Policy, 191-209.
[27] Kleine-Ahlbrandt, Stephanie., & Small, Andrew. (2008). China’s New Dictatorship Diplomacy. Foreign Affairs, 87(1), 38-56.
[28] Levy, Jack S. (1994). Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield. International Organization, 48, 279-312.
[29] Lu, Yu-nu, & Teng, Chung-chian. (2008). “The Development and Impact of China’s Soft Power,” Review of Global Politics, 21(21), 1-18.
[30] Manheim, Jarol B., & Albritton Robert B. (1984). Changing National Images: International Public Relations and Media Agenda Setting. The American Political Science Review, 78, 641-657.
[31] Manheim, Jarol B. (1990). Rites of Passage: The 1988 Seoul Olympics as Public Diplomacy. The Western Political Quarterly, 43(2), 279-295.
[32] Medeiros, Evan S. & Fravel, M. Taylor. (2003). China’s New Diplomacy. Foreign Affairs, 82(6), 22-35.
[33] Neack, Laura. (2003). The New Foreign Policy: U.S. and Comparative Foreign Policy in the 21st Century. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
[34] Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (1987). Nuclear Learning and U.S.-Soviet Security Regime. International Organization, 41, 371-402.
[35] Pye, Lucian W. (1996). Rethinking the Man in the Leader. The China Journal, 35, 107-112.
[36] Robinson, Jean C. (1988). Mao After Death: Charisma and Political Legitimacy. Asian Survey, 28(3), 353-368.
[37] Rosecrance, Richard. (1976). The Political Socialization of Nations. International Studies Quarterly, 20, 441-460.
[38] Roy, Denny. (1996) The “China Threat” Issue: Major Arguments. Asian Survey, 36, 758-771.
[39] Schram, Stuart R. (1994). Mao Zedong a Hundred Year On: The Legacy of a Ruler. The China Quarterly, 137, 125-143.
[40] Scobell, Andrew. (2001). The Chinese Cult of Defense. Issues and Studies, 37(5), 100-127.
[41] Smith, Don D. (1973). Mass Communications and International Image Change. The journal of Conflict Resolution, 17(1), 115-129.
[42] Wang, Hongying. (2000). Multilateralism in Chinese Foreign Policy: The Limits of Socialization. Asian Survey, 40, 475-491.
[43] Wang, Hongying. (2003). National Image Building and Chinese Foreign Policy. China: An International Journal, 1, 46-72.
[44] Wang, Jianwei, & Lin, Zhimin. (1992) Chinese Perceptions in the Post-Cold War Era: Three Images of the United States. Asian Survey, 32(10), 902-917.
[45] Wendt, Alexander. (1994). Collective Identity Formation and the International State. The American Political Science Review, 88, 384-396.
[46] Whiting, Allen S. (1995). Chinese Nationalism and Foreign policy After Deng. The China Quarterly, 142, 295-316.
[47] Yahuda, Michael. (1993). Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman. The China Quarterly, 135, Special Issue: Deng Xiaoping: An assessment. 551-572.
[48] Yahuda, Michael. (1989). The People’s Republic of China at 40: Foreign Relations. The China Quarterly, 119, Special Issue: the People’s Republic of China after 40 Years. 519-539.
[49] Yang, Benjamin. (1993). The Making of a Pragmatic Communist: The Early Life of Deng Xiaoping, 1904-49. The China Quarterly, 135, Special Issue: Deng Xiaoping: An assessment. 444-456.
[50] Yoshihara, Toshi., & Holmes, James R. (winter, 2008). China’s Energy-Driven ‘Soft Power.’ Orbis, 52(1). 123-137.
[51] Yu, George. T. (1966). China’s Failure in Africa. Asian Survey, 6(8), 461-468.
[52] Zhang, Juyan., & Cameron, Glen T. (2003). The Structural Transformation of China’s Propaganda: An Ellulian Perspective. Journal of Communication Management, 8, 307-321.

Newspaper Articles:
[1] Blair, Tony. (August 26, 2008). We Can Help China Embrace the Future. The Wall Street Journal, p. A21.
[2] Fairclough, Gordon., & Ramstad, Evan. (April 12, 2008). No Comparison. The Wall Street Journal, p. R3.
[3] Yardley, Jim. (August 9, 2008). China’s Leaders Try to Impress and Reassure World. The New York Times, p. A1.

Online Sources:
[1] Gill, Bates., & Oresman, Matthew. (November 22, 2002). China and NATO: A Romance Worth Entering. International Herald Tribune. http://www.iht.com/article/2002/11/22/edbates_ed3_.php.
[2] Glosny, Michael A. (December 2006) China’s Foreign Aid Policy: Lifting States out of Poverty or Leaving them to the Dictators. Freeman Report. Center for Strategic and International Studies. http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/frv06v12.pdf.
[3] Leonard, Mark. (September 11, 2004). How China Is Wooing the World. The Guardian. http://www.cer.org.uk/articles/leonard_guardian_11sep04.html.
[4] Muhbubani, Kishore. (January 3, 2008). Make Way for the Rise of Asia. Newsweek. http://www.newsweek.com/id/80934.
[5] Nye, Joseph S. Jr. (December 29, 2005). The Rise of China’s Soft Power. The Wall Street Journal Asia. http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/1499/rise_of_chinas_soft_power.html.
[6] Perlez, Jane. (November 27, 2006). China Competes with West in Aid to Its Neighbors. International Herald Tribune. http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/09/18/asia/web.0918aid.php?page=2
[7] Public Diplomacy Update, published by the Office of Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, U.S. State Department, Vol. 2, Issue 3, http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/93420.pdf.
[8] Yan, Xueton, & Xu, Jin. (Mar./Apr. 2008) “Sino-U.S. Comparison of Soft Power,” Contemporary International Relations, Vol. 18, No. 2. http://www.cicir.ac.cn/en/publication/cir_article_detail.php?lngID=982
[9] The official website for the 2010 Shanghai World Expo, http://en.expo2010china.com/


Additional Sources:
[1] Lum, Thomas., Morrison, Wayne M., & Vaughn, Bruce. (January 4, 2008). China’s “Soft Power” in Southeast Asia. CRS Report for Congress. Congressional Research Service.
[2] Ramo, Joshua Cooper. (2004). The Beijing Consensus. London: Foreign Policy Center.
[3] Ramo, Joshua Cooper. (2007). Brand China. London: Foreign Policy Center.
[4] Schmidt, Johannes Dragsbaek. (2006). China’s “Soft Power” Re-emergence in Southeast Asia. Paper presented at the inaugural workshop “China World” on March 10-11, 2006 at Asia Research Center, Copenhagen Business School.
[5] Wang, Hongying (2006). Chinese Conception of Soft Power and Its Policy Implications. Paper presented at the International Conference on China in the World Order, University of Nottingham, UK, in September 2006.

Global Polls:
[1] Chicago Council on Global Affairs, http://www.worldpublicopinion.org.
[2] BBC World Service Polls, 2005~2008, www.worldpublicopinion.org.
[3] The Pew Global Attitudes Projects, 2005~2008, http://pewglobal.org/reports/
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