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研究生:黃慧如
研究生(外文):Huang, Hui-ju
論文名稱:論「說」在台灣國語中的整合模式語法化
論文名稱(外文):An Integrative Approach to Grammaticalization of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin
指導教授:曹逢甫曹逢甫引用關係
指導教授(外文):Tsao, Feng-fu
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:語言學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2010
畢業學年度:98
語文別:英文
論文頁數:257
中文關鍵詞:語法化整合模式社會因素補語連詞語用標記
外文關鍵詞:grammaticalizationshuoan integrative approachsocial factorscomplementizerpragmatic marker
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台灣國語說動詞語法化成補語連詞,連接詞以及其它語法功能詞的過程尚未被仔細探究,前人的研究大多著重在語法化的普遍機制,而比較少碰觸到語言接觸以及社會因素等議題,此外,也少有學者追溯“說”的歷史淵源。本論文主要探討台灣國語“說”的語法化。「說」的本質只有動詞的功能,之後慢慢演變加上補語連詞的功能,並且繼續演變再加上語用標記的功能,可以有聽說、轉述、表示反預期心理以及表達態度及信念的標記。基於Heine 和Kuteva (2006) 提出的語法化整合模式,本文結合語言語法化的內部及外部因素共同來闡釋台灣國語「說」的語法化過程。
共時方面我們比較在當代台灣國語、北京國語、閩南語的語法化程度,得出一個順序:閩南語>台灣國語>北京國語,顯示出台灣國語的「說」有受到閩南語「講」的外部接觸誘發而加速語法化。歷時方面,我們追溯中國歷史上說動詞的起源以及交替現象,理出一個交替順序:曰?p道?p說,分別代表不同年代最主要的說動詞。我們找出交替的原則是新的說動詞會先遵循舊的說動詞的語法化路徑走一遍,然後再發展出新的用法。歷史軌跡的探索提供了一些「說」語法化過程的內部線索。另外,我們的語料收集包含了問卷操作、電視談話節目內容以及日常生活的口語語料。問卷的結果主要探討年齡、母語等社會因素形成的語言差異以及確認Givón (1980)的固定階層理論的有效性。而所有的語料都顯示「說」當成語用標記的用法頻率以及接受度都遠小於當成補語連詞的用法。在補語連詞方面,「說」和連接詞一起出現的頻率和接受度高於「說」和言語行為動詞或是心理動詞一起出現的情況;在語用標記方面,句首「說」的頻率和接受度都高於句尾「說」。而就「說」的語法化路徑來講,「說」成為補語連詞或是語用標記都是同一個起源,只是後來形成分歧的兩條路徑。「說」成為補語連詞的路徑只有一小部分遵照Givón的理論,屬於語言的普遍現象;而成為語用標記的路徑由則是語言普遍現象加上語言接觸的結果,特別是在句尾「說」形成的階段。「說」成為補語標記的語法化似乎已經到了最終階段,能產性很強。反之,「說」成為語用標記的語法化還在進行階段,使用頻率以及能產性都較補語連詞「說」來得低。

The grammaticalization of verbs of ‘say’ into complementizers, subordinating conjunctions and other grammatical functions has not been well-investigated in the study of Taiwan Mandarin (TM). Most previous studies on the grammaticalization of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin mainly focus on the discussion of universal mechanisms, but seldom touch the issues about language contact and social factors. In addition, the historical track on which verbs of ‘say’ changed has not been well-studied. This dissertation aims to investigate the grammaticalization of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin. Shuo originally functioned as a verb; afterwards it also functioned as a complementizer; finally, it has come to have reportative function and can also be a pragmatic marker expressing such meanings as counter-expectation. Based on Heine and Kuteva’s (2006) integrative model of grammaticalization, we combine both language internal and external factors to account for the grammaticalization process of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin.
On synchronic aspect, we compare the degree of grammaticalization of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin, Peking Mandarin (PM) and Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM), and get the rank:TSM>TM>PK, which indicates that shuo in TM should be accelerated by the external language contact with kóng in TSM. We also retrace the origination and replacement of saying verbs in Chinese history, and find a track of the development of verbs of ‘say’: yue ?p dao?p shuo. Each of the verb of ‘say’ plays the leading role in different historical periods. Once the new verb of ‘say’ come into being, it follows the paths of the previous verb of ‘say’ and further develops its new usages. The historical retracing provides us the clue of some sequences for the internal grammaticalization process. In addition, our data-driven investigation employs instruments such as questionnaire, TV talks corpus and spontaneous spoken Mandarin Corpus. The purpose of the questionnaire mainly shows the language varies according to the social factors: age and mother tongue and confirms the validity of Givón’s (1980) binding hierarchy. In addition, the results of all the data we collected coincidentally show that the frequencies and degree of acceptance of shuo as pragmatic markers are much lower than those of complementizers. As a complementizer, the frequencies and degree of acceptance of shuo co-occurring with connectors is much more than those of shuo with speech act verbs or cognitive verbs. As a pragmatic marker, utterance-initial shuo has higher frequency and degree of acceptance than utterance-final shuo. The grammaticalization processes of shuo as a complementizer and as a pragmatic marker originate from the same source but diverge at a later stage. The route for shuo to evolve into a complementizer only follows some parts of the hierarchy posted by Givón and it seems to have reached the ultimate stage. On the other hand, the route for shuo to grammaticalize to a pragmatic marker is the combination of language universal and language contact, especially on shuo as an utterance-final pragmatic marker. Unlike shuo as a complementizer, pragmatic marker shuo has not reached a mature stage and the usages are not as productive as shuo as a complementizer in Taiwan Mandarin.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chinese Abstract i
English Abstract ii
Acknowledgement iii
Table of Contents iv
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Motivation 1
1.2 Two Issues of Consideration on Contact-Induced Factors 2
1.2.1 Why Social Factors? 2
1.2.2 Why kong? 5
1.3 Binding Hierarchy 11
1.4 The Data-Driven Investigations 11
1.5 Research Questions 12
1.6 Organization of This Research 13
Chapter 2 Literature Review 15
2.1 Peking Mandarin shuo 16
2.1.1 Synchronic Dimension of shuo 16
2.1.1.1 Meng (1982) 16
2.1.1.2 Liu (1986) 19
2.1.1.3 Dong (2003) 21
2.1.2 The Diachronic Dimension of shuo 23
2.1.2.1 Fang (2006) 23
2.1.2.2 Liu (2009) 32
2.2 Taiwanese Southern Min kóng 35
2.2.1 Synchronic Dimension of kóng 35
2.2.1.1 Cheng (1991) 35
2.2.1.2 Tseng (2008) 38
2.2.2 The Diachronic Dimension of kóng 39
2.2.2.1 Chang (1998) 39
2.2.2.2 Kao (2006) 43
2.2.2.3 Chappell (2008) 45
2.3 Taiwan Mandarin shuo 51
2.3.1 Chang (2001) 51
2.3.2 Wang et al. (2003) 52
2.3.3 Su (2004) 54
2.4 Summary 56
Chapter 3 Theoretical Backgrounds 64
3.1 Givon’s Binding Hierarchy (1980) 65
3.2 Subjectification 66
3.3 The Grammaticalization of Complementizers: the Universal Phenomenon 68
3.3.1 The Grammaticalization of Complementizers from Verbs of ‘say’ 68
3.3.2 The Grammaticalization of khuànn and kan 73
3.3.2.1 Khuànn in Taiwanese Southern Min 74
3.3.2.2 Kan in Taiwan Mandarin 76
3.3.3 The Division of the Functions of the shuo and kan
as a Complementizer in Taiwan Mandarin 78
3.4 Functions and Grammaticalization of Discourse Markers 79
3.5 Integrative Model of Grammaticalization 81
3.5.1 Language-internal Grammaticalization 81
3.5.2 Contact-induced Grammaticalization 83
3.5.3 Integrative Model of Grammaticalization 89
3.6 Summary 92
Chapter 4 Verbs of ‘say’ in Chinese History 93
4.1 Diachronic Evolvement of Verbs of ‘say’ 93
4.2 Synchronic Distribution of Verbs of ‘say’ 108
4.3 The Joint Uses of Verbs of ‘say’ in Ancient Chinese 110
4.4 Summary 117
Chapter 5 Data-Driven Investigations on Grammaticalization
of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin 122
5.1 Questionnaire 123
5.1.1 Method 123
5.1.1.1 Questionnaire Design 123
5.1.1.2 Participants 124
5.1.1.3 Types of Test Sentences 125
5.1.1.4 Scoring 126
5.1.2 Results and Discussion 128
5.1.2.1 Sentences Containing shuo as a Verb 130
5.1.2.2 Sentences Containing shuo as a Complementizer 132
5.1.2.2.1 shuo Following a Verb 132
5.1.2.2.2 shuo Following a Connector 137
5.1.2.3 Sentence Containing shuo as a Discourse Marker 139
5.1.2.3.1 Utterance-Initial shuo 139
5.1.2.3.2 Utterance-Final shuo 144
5.1.2.4 The Contrast between Sentences Containing shuo and not
Containing shuo 147
5.1.2.5 Social Factors 150
5.2 Corpus 155
5.2.1 Corpus of TV Talks 155
5.2.2 Spontaneous Spoken Mandarin Corpus 159
5.3 Summary 168
Chapter 6 The Grammaticalization of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin 170
6.1 The Implication of Social Factors on the Grammaticalization Process 173
6.2 The Role of Frequency on the Grammaticalization 176
6.3 The Relationship between Grammaticalization and Lexicalization 177
6.4 Lexicalization of Connector + shuo in Taiwan Mandarin 180
6.5 Grammaticalization Mechansims 183
6.5.1 Mechanisms for Language-Internal Change 183
6.5.2 Mechanisms for Contact-Induced Language Change 192
6.6 The Integrative Approach to Grammaticalization of shuo 196
6.7 The Grammaticalization Pathways of shuo in Taiwan Mandarin 200
Chapter 7 Conclusion and Future Studies 208
7.1 Conclusion 208
7.2 Future Studies 210
Bibliography 212
Appendix 1 227
Appendix 2 239
Appendix 3 244
Appendix 4 247





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