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研究生:莊天憐
研究生(外文):Chuang, Tien Lien
論文名稱:台灣政黨體系的變遷:1986-2008
論文名稱(外文):The changing process of Taiwan's party system:1986-2008
指導教授:劉義周劉義周引用關係
指導教授(外文):Liu, I Chou
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立政治大學
系所名稱:政治研究所
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:政治學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2010
畢業學年度:99
語文別:中文
論文頁數:307
中文關鍵詞:政黨體系政黨體系變遷社會分歧政治菁英選舉制度
外文關鍵詞:party systemthe change of party systemsocial cleavagepolitical eliteselectoral system
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本文討論焦點在於台灣政黨體系的變遷過程,影響台灣政黨體系變遷的因素,以及台灣政黨體系未來的可能走向。分別使用社會分歧理論、政治菁英理論以及制度論來解釋台灣政黨體系的變遷過程,並由各政黨在選舉結果的消長與選民政黨認同的變化兩個指標來觀察我國政黨體系的變遷。試圖建構一個通用的模式來解釋我國政黨體系發展的過程,以預期台灣政黨體系發展的未來走向。
經過全面觀察各政黨選舉結果的消長,以及選民政黨認同的變動情形之後,本文發現台灣政黨體系的變遷,主要發生在四個重要的時間點,第一個時間點是1986年民進黨的成立,第二個時間點是1993年新黨的成立,第三個時間點是2000年親民黨的成立與2001年台聯的成立,第四個時間點則是立委選制改變後的2008年立委選舉。
在變動的因素方面,雖然每一個變遷的時間點都有新政黨的出現,但是民進黨的出現是整個憲政環境由威權時期轉成民主化的結果,而新黨、親民黨與台聯則都是政治菁英之間的分裂。2008年主要是選舉制度的影響,不但新成立的政黨無法生存,連原有的小黨也都消失無蹤。
在穩定不變的因素方面,在台灣的政黨體系整個變遷的過程裡面,藍綠的區分一直都存在著。在藍綠對抗的主軸之下,台灣的政黨體系受到省籍、統獨立場以及國家認同等因素混合在內的分歧結構的長期影響,泛綠基本上掌握三成左右的基本盤,泛藍則是有四成出頭的支持度,中間還有二成多搖擺不定的部分,這個部分就是藍綠角逐的關鍵所在。這個藍綠對抗中第一個最重要的因素就是混雜了統獨立場、國家認同與省籍在內的社會與議題分歧,其次是政治菁英在歷次選舉過程中不斷地去操作這個分歧結構,藉此找到新政黨在意識型態光譜上的定位點,再加上SNTV選制容許小黨有生存空間,因此台灣的政黨體系隨之產生變遷。最後到了2008年,選舉制度的變革發揮了決定性的影響,使得我國的政黨體系確立為兩黨制。
在未來的發展趨勢上,研究發現,無論就政黨得票率、政黨支持度以及選舉制度的層面來看,國民黨似乎已經逐漸取回過半的優勢,民進黨則回到四成左右的基本盤。在沒有新議題或是新的政治社會分歧足以重新切割現有政黨體系之下,在目前雙首長制的憲政架構以及單一選區兩票制的國會選舉制度之下,我們預期政治菁英們的互動將朝向由國民黨代表泛藍勢力,民進黨代表泛綠勢力的兩黨政治體系逐步鞏固的方向前進。

The main theme of this thesis focuses on the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, the factors which effecting the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, and the trend of Taiwan’s party system in the future. The author use social cleavage theory、political elite theory and institutional theory to explain the changing process of Taiwan’s party system. The author also uses two indexes including the vote-share of each party in every election, and the changing of voter’s party identification to observe the changing of Taiwan’s party system. This thesis tries to build a general model to explain the developing process of Taiwan’s party system and predict the future trend of Taiwan’s party system.
After observing the election outcomes of each party and the changing of voter’s party identification, this thesis points out four important time points of Taiwan’s party system changing. The first time point is the presence of DPP in 1986, the second time point is the presence of NP in 1993, the third time point is the presence of PFP in 2000 and the presence of TSU in 2001, the fourth time point is the changing of electoral rule of legislative election in 2008.
About the changing factor, in spite of the new party presence in each changing time point, the presence of DPP is due to the constitutional environment which the authoritarian regime transferred into democracy. The presence of NP、PFP and TSU are the outcome of the separation of political elites. The changing of party system in 2008 is mainly effected by electoral system, not only the new parties can’t survive, but the existing small parties also disappear.
About the stable factor, during the changing process of Taiwan’s party system, there’s always a clearly distinction between “blue” and ”green”. Underneath the main stream of the confrontation between “blue” and “green”, Taiwan’s party system has long been effected by the cleavage structure which mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. The pan-green group basically maintains about 30% of vote share, the pan-blue group has more than 40% of vote share, the remaining 20% more of vote share is the key point for the struggle of pan-green and pan-blue forces. The most important factor in this confrontation process is the social and issue cleavage mixed with ethnic origin、unification or independent with china and national identity. Meanwhile the political elites are consequently manipulating the cleavage structure in every election process, in order to find some spaces in the ideological spectrum to form new parties. In addition to the SNTV electoral system allows small parties to appear and survive. That’s the reason why Taiwan’s party system changes over time. But in 2008, the changing of electoral system has the decisive influence and turn Taiwan’s party system into the two-party system.
In the trend of future development, the research shows that, no matter in party’s vote share、party support rate or electoral system, KMT seems gradually having a leading advantage to get more than 50% of vote share. DPP has about 40% of vote share. If no more new issue or political-social cleavages to cut the existing party system, in the two-head executive constitutional structure and MMM electoral system, the interactions of political elites will tend to a consolidation of the two-party system which including a pan-blue force presented by KMT, and a pan-green force presented by DPP.

第一章 緒論…………………………………………………………………………1
第一節 研究動機與目的………………………………………………………1
第二節 文獻檢閱………………………………………………………………4
一、 政黨體系及其變遷…………………………………………………4
二、 政黨體系變遷的解釋……………………………………………..16
三、 影響台灣政黨體系變遷的原因…………………………………..27
第三節 研究架構、研究方法與論文章節……………………………………29
一、 研究架構…………………………………………………………..29
二、 研究方法…………………………………………………………..33
三、 章節安排……………………………………………......................35
第二章 台灣政黨體系變遷的歷程………………………………………………..37
第一節 從選舉結果看政黨體系的變遷………………………… ………….37
一、 政黨得票分佈的變遷………………………………… ………….37
二、 「北藍南綠」的檢視……………………………………………..42
三、 縣市藍綠得票的變遷:若干實例的討論…………………………50
第二節 從民眾政黨認同的變化看政黨體系的變遷………………………..62
一、 台灣民眾政黨認同分佈的變化…………………………………..62
二、 藍綠政黨認同分佈的變化………………………………………..65
三、 縣市藍綠政黨認同的變化:若干實例的討論……………………66
第三節 政黨國會席次分佈的變化………….………………………………72
一、 各政黨國會席次的變化情形(1986-2008)………………………..72
二、 有效政黨數的變化情形(1986-2008)……………………………..74
第四節 小結………………………………………………………………….75
第三章 政黨的社會基礎與政黨體系的變遷……………………………………78
第一節 各政黨選民基礎的變化…………………………………………….78
一、 各政黨選民基礎的差異………………………………………….78
二、 各政黨選民基礎的變化………………………………………….79
三、 影響政黨體系的選民基礎差異………………………………….81
第二節 「台灣人/中國人認同」的變化……………………………………82
一、 台灣選民「台灣人/中國人認同」的整體變化…………………83
二、 泛藍選民「台灣人/中國人認同」的變化………………………84
三、 泛綠選民「台灣人/中國人認同」的變化………………………85
四、 影響選民「台灣人/中國人認同」變化的因素…………………86
第三節 統獨立場的變化…………………………………………………….88
一、 台灣選民統獨立場的整體變化……………….…………………89
二、 泛藍選民統獨立場的變化…………………….…………………90
三、 泛綠選民統獨立場的變化…………………….…………………90
四、 影響選民統獨立場變化的因素………………………………….91
第四節 政黨形象的變化……………………………………………………..93
一、 各政黨的政黨形象……………….……………………………….94
二、 國民黨與民進黨政黨形象的變化……………….……………….95
三、 政黨形象與選舉結果的關連……………………………………..99
第五節 小結…………………………………………………………………101
第四章 社會與政治分歧………………………………………………………...103
第一節 台灣的社會與政治分歧…………………………………………..104
一、 省籍分歧、統獨立場、國家認同與民主價值……………………104
二、 社會分歧與新政黨的出現………………………………………105
第二節 社會與政治分歧和台灣政黨體系的發展…………………………106
一、 民主價值……………….……………….......................................107
二、 省籍分歧…………………………………………………………108
三、 統獨立場…………………………………………………………111
第三節 社會與政治分歧和藍綠對抗的主軸………………………………117
一、 民進黨的支持基礎………………………………………………117
二、 新黨的支持基礎…………………………………………………121
三、 親民黨的支持基礎………………………………………………131
四、 台聯的支持基礎…………………………………………………139
第四節 小結…………………………………………………………………143
第五章 政治菁英的互動………………………………………………………...146
第一節 政治菁英互動與政黨體系的變遷…………………………………146
一、 政治菁英互動對政黨體系變遷的影響:以韓國為例…………147
二、 台灣政治菁英的互動與政黨體系的發展………………………148
第二節 政治菁英互動和台灣政黨體系的發展歷程………………………149
一、 威權體制的解體與台灣的政治民主化…………………………149
二、 新國民黨連線的出走……………………………………………154
三、 國民黨的內部紛爭與宋楚瑜的脫黨參選………………………157
四、 李登輝的出走與國民黨的再度分裂……………………………160
第三節 政治菁英互動和藍綠對抗的主軸…………………………………163
一、 政治菁英的互動與民進黨的興起………………………………163
二、 政治菁英和新黨的興起與沒落…………………………………168
三、 政治菁英和親民黨的興起與沒落………………………………171
四、 政治菁英和台聯的興起與沒落…………………………………185
第四節 小結…………………………………………………………………193
第六章 憲政體制與選舉制度對政黨體系的影響………………………………196
第一節 雙重行政首長制、SNTV選制與台灣政黨體系…………………196
一、 雙重行政首長制對我國政黨體系的影響………………………196
二、 SNTV制對我國政黨體系的影響………………………………198
第二節 單一選區兩票制對政黨體系的影響………………………………200
一、 單一選區兩票聯立制在德國的影響……………………………201
二、 單一選區兩票並立制在日本的影響……………………………202
第三節 新選制對政治菁英的影響…………………………………………205
一、 單一選區相對多數決對政治菁英行為的影響…………………205
二、 兩票制對政治菁英的影響………………………………………208
三、 立委選制變革對選舉結果的影響………………………………209
第四節 新選制對民眾的影響……………………………………................212
一、 選民對小黨能否跨越選舉門檻缺乏信心………………………213
二、 選民的策略性投票………………………………………………214
三、 立委選制變革對選民政黨認同的影響…………………………216
四、 立委選制變革與策略性投票……………………………………217
第五節 小結…………………………………………………………………222
第七章 結論………………………………………………………………………225
第一節 主要研究發現………………………………………………………225
一、 台灣政黨體系變遷的時間點……………………………………225
二、 台灣政黨體系變遷過程與各階段的影響因素..……………......227
三、 影響台灣政黨體系變遷的因素…...…………………………….228
第二節 檢討與建議…………………………………………………………232
一、 研究設計方面……………………………………………………233
二、 研究資料方面……………………………………………………233
三、 研究方法方面……………………………………………………233
參考書目……………………………………………………………………………235
附錄一 國家發展研究院政治版圖說明…………………………………………260
附錄二 三次總統大選選前政治版圖分類標準(2000-2008) …………………...263
附錄三 各縣市歷年藍綠得票分佈一覽表(1991-2008)…………………………274
附錄四 各縣市歷年政黨認同一覽表(1997-2008)………………………………275
附錄五 各縣市歷年政黨認同彙整表(1997-2008) ……………………………...287
附錄六 深度訪談報告列表(1997-2001)…………………………………………288

中文部分

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吳乃德
1992 〈國家認同與政黨支持—台灣政黨競爭的社會基礎〉,《中央研究院民族學研究所集刊》,第七十四期,頁33-61
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2008 〈立法委員選舉制度改革的省思:匡正弊端或是治絲益棼〉,發表於「如何評估選舉變遷:方法論的探討」學術研討會,7月5日,台北:政治大學。
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2009 〈國民黨何以能一黨獨大?--論國民黨選民基礎的穩定與變遷〉,發表於「台灣選舉與民主化調查計畫:2008年立法委員選舉國際學術研討會」,1月17-18日,台北:台灣大學。
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1994 〈三個祖國:台灣戰後初期國家認同的競爭與形成〉,「第一屆台灣政治學會年會」,12月17-18日。
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1984 〈選民的黨派抉擇:態度取向及個人背景的分析〉,《政治學報》,第十三期,頁1-49。
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2001 〈立法委員選舉結果對政黨體系的影響〉,《國家政策研究基金會國政報告》,參閱網址:http://www.npf.org.tw/particle-648-2.html。
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1998 《當代政治分析》,臺北:前衛。
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施明德、陳嘉君
2010 《叛亂‧遺囑:美麗島軍法大審30週年紀念 1980美麗島軍法大審實錄》,台北:財團法人施明德講座基金會。
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1998 《台灣選民政黨認同變遷之分析--橫向與縱向的觀察》,國立台灣大學政治學系碩士論文
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1992 「民主轉型過程中政黨的重組:台灣地區選民的民主價值取向、政黨偏好與黨派投票行為之分析」,《中央研究院人文及社會科學集刊》,第五卷第一期,頁213-263。
1993 〈選舉競爭與政治分歧結構的變遷:國民黨與民進黨勢力的消長〉,《人文及社會科學集刊》,第六卷第一期,頁37-74。
1994 〈台灣選民的國家認同與黨派投票行為:1991至1993年〉,「第一屆台灣政治學會」,12月17-18日
1996 「台灣選民的國家認同與黨派投票行為:一九九一至一九九三年間的實證研究成果」,《台灣政治學刊》,第一期,頁85-127
1997 〈選舉與政黨重組的趨勢〉,收錄於游盈隆主編,《民主鞏固或崩潰》,頁245-264,台北:月旦出版社。
1998 〈台灣的選舉與社會分歧結構:政黨競爭與民主化〉,收錄於陳明通和鄭永年主編,《兩岸基層選舉與政治社會變遷》,頁127-167,台北:月旦出版社。
2003 〈台灣政黨版圖的重畫:民進黨、國民黨與親民黨的「民基」比較〉,《東吳政治學報》,第十四期,頁83-134。
徐永明
2000a 〈宋楚瑜現象:菁英分裂、選舉動員與政黨重組〉,《理論與政策》,第十四卷第二期,頁93-118。
2000b 〈「南方政治」的形成?台灣政黨支持的地域差別:1994-2000〉,發表於「新世紀的選舉學術研討會」,政治大學選舉研究中心主辦,台北。
徐永明、陳明通
1998 〈搜尋台灣民眾統獨態度的動力:一個個體動態模型的建立〉,《台灣政治學刊》,第三期,頁65-11
徐永明、陳鴻章
2004 〈多席次選舉中政黨的分合:以台灣區域立委選舉為例〉,《選舉研究》,第十一卷第一期,頁127-170。
郝柏村
1995 《郝總長日記中的經國先生晚年》,台北:天下文化出版股份有限公司,頁334。

郭琮淵
2005 《國民黨與民進黨政黨形象之跨時性分析:以三次總統大選選後調查為例》,私立東吳大學政治學系碩士論文。
莊天憐
2000 《我國獨立選民的發展與變遷(1989~1999)》,國立政治大學政治學系碩士論文。
陳文俊
1995 〈統獨議題與選民的投票行為—民國八十三年省市長選舉之分析〉,《選舉研究》,第二卷第二期,頁99-136。
陳文俊、黃志呈
2003 〈藍軍 VS. 綠營:2002年北高市長選舉之比較〉,發表於2003年台灣政治學會年會暨「世局變動中的台灣政治」學術研討會,台灣政治學會主辦,台北。
陳明通
1998 〈民進黨的政黨形象:一項縱時性的觀察〉,發表於「台灣政治學會第五屆年會」學術研討會,1998年12月12-13日。
陳佳吉
2003 《台灣的政黨競爭規範與民主鞏固》,台北:翰蘆。
陳坤森
1998 《美國政黨重組之理論與實際:1932~1988》,私立淡江大學美國研究所碩士論文。
陳陸輝
2000 〈台灣選民政黨認同的持續與變遷〉,《選舉研究》,第七卷第二期,頁39-52。
陳陸輝、周應龍
2003 〈台灣民眾統獨立場的趨勢分析〉,2003年台灣政治學會年會暨「世局變動中的台灣政治」學術研討會,台灣政治學會主辦,台北。
2008 〈如何評估單一選區兩票制下的候選人票與政黨票之間的連動關係〉,發表於「如何評估選舉變遷:方法論的探討」學術研討會,7月5日,台北:政治大學。
陳義彥
1996 〈不同族群政治文化的世代分析〉,《政治學報》,第二十七期,頁83-121。
陳義彥、陳陸輝
2003 〈模稜兩可的態度還是不確定的未來:台灣民眾統獨觀的解析〉,《中國大陸研究》,第四十六卷第五期,頁1-20。
陳詩瑜
2005 《我國政黨重組之研究:從一九七七年到二○○五年》,國立台灣師範大學政治學研究所碩士論文。
盛杏湲
2002 〈統獨議題與台灣選民的投票行為〉,《選舉研究》,第九卷第一期,頁41-80。
盛杏湲、陳義彥
2003 〈政治分歧與政黨競爭:二○○一年立法委員選舉的分析〉,《選舉研究》,第十卷第一期,頁7-40。
盛治仁
2006 〈單一選區兩票制對未來台灣政黨政治發展之可能影響探討〉,《台灣民主季刊》,第三卷第二期,頁63-86。
郭正亮
1998 《民進黨轉型之痛》,台北:天下遠見出版有限公司。
許介麟
1995 《戰後台灣史記》,台北:文英館。
張正莉
1993 《國民黨威權統治型態的轉型(一九八六~一九九二)》,國立政治大學政治學研究所碩士論文。
張君勱
1971 《中華民國民主憲法十講》,台北:台灣商務。
張佑宗、劉嘉如
2005 〈政黨的組合、解組與重構;台灣1996至2004年三屆總統選舉社會基礎的變遷〉,「台灣選舉與民主化」(2004總統大選)國際學術研會,5月21-22日。
張茂桂
1993 〈省籍問題與民族主義〉,收錄於張茂桂主編《族群關係與國家認同》,台北,業強出版社,頁233-278。
黃秀端
1994 〈經濟投票與選民投票抉擇〉,《東吳政治學報》,第三期:97-123。
黃俊達
2001 《台灣新生政黨的發展與策略:以親民黨為例》,私立東海大學政治學系碩士論文。
黃德福
1992 《民主進步黨與台灣地區政治民主化》,台北:時英出版社。
1994a 〈政黨競爭與政治民主化:台灣地區政黨體系的新挑戰〉,《選舉研究》,第一卷第二期,頁199-220。
1994b 〈選舉制度與政黨政治:台灣地區解嚴後選舉競爭的觀察〉,《理論與政策》,第七卷第四期,頁3-21。
2000 〈少數政府與責任政治:台灣『半總統制』之下的政黨競爭〉,《問題與研究》,第三十九卷第十二期,頁1-24。

黃德福、張佑宗
1994 〈邁向三黨競爭體系?—民主鞏固與台灣地區政黨政治的變遷〉,《政治學報》,第二十三期,頁197-225。
葛永光
2000 《政黨政治與民主發展》, 台北:空中大學。
2002 〈從北高兩市選舉看政黨力量消長〉,《國政研究報告》。
隋杜卿
2001 《中華民國的憲政工程:以雙首長制為中心的探討》,臺北:韋伯文化。
2002 〈我國現行中央政府體制的定位、爭議與前瞻〉,《國家政策論壇》,第二卷第二期。
游盈隆
1993 「政黨形象、意識型態與台灣選舉變遷」,中央研究院民族學研究所行為研究組「民主化與政黨競爭:何以國民黨繼續執政?」學術研討會宣讀論文,6月11日。
游清鑫
1995 〈台灣政黨競爭及體系之變遷〉,《政治學報》,第二十五期,頁181-206。
2002 〈政黨認同與政黨形象:面訪與焦點團體訪談的結合〉,《選舉研究》,第九卷第二期,頁85-116。
游清鑫、林瓊珠
2000 〈政黨重組?總體層次與個體層次的觀察〉,發表於「2000年選舉研究學術研討會」,政大選舉研究中心主辦,台北。
游清鑫、蕭怡靖
2003 〈台灣民眾政黨認同的持續與變遷〉,發表於2003年台灣政治學會年會暨「世局變動中的台灣政治」學術研討會,台灣政治學會主辦,台北。
彭懷恩
1987 《從政治發展看台灣政黨體系》, 台北:洞察。
1994 《台灣政黨政治》,台北:風雲論壇。
2005 《台灣政黨論》,台北:米羅文化。
詹松諭
2002 《解嚴後台灣政黨的分合與競爭》,私立東吳大學政治學系碩士論文。
鄒景雯
2001 《李登輝執政告白實錄》,台北:時報出版。
楊泰順
2001 〈政黨重組與當前政治生態〉,蘇永欽主編,《政黨重組:台灣民主政治的再出發?》,頁43-58。

楊鈞池
2001 〈政黨重組的日本經驗〉,蘇永欽主編,《政黨重組:台灣民主政治的再出發?》,頁109-126。
楊嘉容
2002 〈台灣選民政黨認同重組的初步探索:從國民黨的崩解出發〉,發表於2002年台灣政治學會年會暨「全球化與台灣政治」學術研討會,台灣政治學會主辦,台北。
新台灣研究文教基金會
1999 《沒有黨名的黨:美麗島政團的發展》,台北:時報文化。
鄧宇敦
2001 《台灣政黨選舉結盟之探究—以國、親、新三黨為例》,國立成功大學政治經濟研究所碩士論文。
劉義周
1987 「選民的政黨偏好」,雷飛龍主持「轉型期社會中的投票行為:台灣地區選民的科際整合研究(II)」研究計畫成果報告,頁113-153,台北:政治大學選舉研究中心,行政院國家科學委員會專題計畫成果報告,計畫編號:NSC79-0301-H-004-12。
1994 〈台灣選民政黨形象的世代差異〉,《選舉研究》,第一卷第一期,頁53-74。
1995 〈台灣的新政黨體系〉,《問題與研究》,第十三卷第十期,頁1-10。
1995 〈台灣民眾的中國觀〉,「第二屆台灣政治學會年會」,12月23-24日
1997 〈統獨態度的世代差異〉,「兩岸關係問題民意調查學術研討會」論文集,國立政治大學選舉研究中心與行政院大陸委員會舉辦,1997年5月17-18日。
2003 〈民眾的「台灣人/中國人認同」發展趨勢〉,發表於2003年台灣政治學會年會暨「世局變動中的台灣政治」學術研討會,台灣政治學會主辦,台北。
蔡佳泓
2007 〈政黨形象的測量尺度初探〉,《政治學報》,第四十三期,頁101-121。
蔡孟熹
1997 《台灣民眾族群認同、統獨立場與政黨偏好變遷之研究—1991~1996年之分析》,國立政治大學政治學系碩士論文。
蔡學儀
2002 〈國會改造之選舉制度方案比較〉,《選舉研究》,第九卷第二期,頁117-150。
2003 《解析單一選區兩票制》,台北:五南。
歐陽晟
1994 《台灣民主轉型政黨競爭型態社會基礎(1986-1992)》,國立台灣大學政治學系碩士論文。

鄭盛隆
2003 《台灣的階級投票研究: 1992 ~ 2001》,國立政治大學政治學系碩士論文。
薛永華
2003 《新黨的發展與衰退—歷史研究途徑的分析》,私立文化大學政治學研究所碩士論文。
謝侑道
1993 〈第五屆立法委員選舉台灣團結聯盟競選策略之研究〉,《中州學報》,第十七期,頁365-385。
謝相慶
1999 〈日本眾議院議員選舉制度及其政治效應—以1996年選舉為例〉,《選舉研究》,第六卷第二期,頁45-85。
2000 〈我國立法委員選舉制度及其選舉結果的影響〉,林繼文主編,《政治制度》,台北:中研院社科所。
2002 〈淺談立法委員選舉制度改革--單一選區兩票制〉,《國家政策研究基金會國政研究報告》,參閱網址:http://old.npf.org.tw/PUBLICATION/IA/091/IA-R-091-029.htm。
謝復生
1992 《政黨比例代表制》,台北:理論與政策雜誌社。
謝復生、牛銘實、林慧萍
1995 〈民國八十三年省市長選舉中之議題投票:理性抉擇理論之分析〉,,《選舉研究》,第二卷第一期,頁77-92。
蘇永欽主編
2001 《政黨重組:台灣民主政治的再出發?》,台北:新台灣人基金會。
龔意琇
2002 「單一選區兩票制:並立制與聯立制(補償制)之分析」,《國家政策研究基金會國政分析》,參閱網址:http://www.npf.org.tw/post/3/2014。


英文部分

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