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研究生:林晏君
研究生(外文):Yen-ChunLin
論文名稱:漢語'V-透'結構研究
論文名稱(外文):The Exploration of V-透 Construction
指導教授:李惠琦李惠琦引用關係
指導教授(外文):Hui-Chi Lee
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立成功大學
系所名稱:外國語文學系碩博士班
學門:人文學門
學類:外國語文學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2012
畢業學年度:100
語文別:英文
論文頁數:136
中文關鍵詞:V-透程度句式結果句式
外文關鍵詞:V-toudegree structureresult structure
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本論文探討漢語 ‘V-透’之句式。現代漢語中,‘透’可作為結果補語 (例:扎透了。) (L. Li 1986, Ma 2004, Fan 2008, Fan 2010) 或程度補語 (例:次透了。) (Xue 1985, Ma 2004, Fan 2008, Fan 2010) 不同於先前的研究,本論文除了探討V-透之結構,亦欲在句法上顯示結果補語 ‘透’及程度補語‘透’之不同。
首先,根據句法及語意上的差異,V-透可分為七種類型。第一類至第三類為及物類;第四類至第七類為作格前置(object-preposing)及非賓格(unaccusative)V-透類型。此七類型在其論元角色(argument structure)及V之選擇各有不同。
此外,本文針對結果及程度補語‘透’作了三項測驗: (1) V-透和‘得/不’互動情況 (2) 否定詞 (3)比例及終點導向之修飾詞 (proportional and endpoint-oriented modifiers) (Kennedy and McNally 2005)。研究顯示,得/不只能參與結果補語 ‘透’;另外,程度類V-透詞彙化後,能與否定詞 ‘不’共現。在修飾詞方面,程度補語 ‘V透’句子被視為程度達到頂點,因此有不可計量性(non-gradable),不受比例及終點導向之修飾詞修飾。但作為結果補語時,‘V透’可被比例及終點導向之修飾詞修飾。和比例及終點導向之修飾詞互動下,不同語意之‘透’有不同之句法表現。
本文也分析V-透之作格性(ergativity)。在內在動力(internal force)及外在動力(external force)互動之下,V-透之作格性比Gu (2003)分析的結果有更多的限制。然而,及物類V-透 (類型一至三) 可在不及物類V-透中找到相對應的替代,此七類之V-透是緊密相關的。
最後,結果句式中之 ‘無限時間延伸’ (unbounded temporal extension)之概念和程度句式中 ‘開放範圍’ (open range) 相似,因此本文根據構式句法(construction grammar) (Goldberg 1995, 2004)將此七類V-透視為家族句式 ( family of constructions),並以第一類V-透為中心。
This research aims to investigate the V-tou constructions. In Modern Mandarin, 透tou ‘pass through’ is rich in its lexical semantics as well as the syntactic representations. It can be used either as resultant complement (e.g., zha-tou-le ‘pierce-TOU-ASP’) (L. Li 1986, Ma 2004, Fan 2008, Fan 2010) or degree complement (e.g., ci-tou-le ‘secondary-TOU-ASP’) (Zhu 1982, Xue 1985, Ma 2004, Fan 2008, Fan 2010). Although some of the previous studies had contributed to the analysis of tou ‘pass through’ (e.g., Fan 2008, 2010), the synchronic usages of V-tou compounds are not elaborately explored especially on the two distinct readings of tou. Therefore, the present study aims to provide a deeper analysis on V-tou constructions.
Firstly, this study scrutinizes systematically the usage patterns pertinent to V-tou compounds based on the data from Academia Sinica Balanced Corpus of Modern Chinese. Then, the taxonomy of V-tou constructions are established according to their similarities and variations in syntax and semantics. Following Cheng and Huang (1994) and Levin and Rappaport (1995), this study recategorizes V-tou on Fan’s (2008) findings into seven subtypes. Type I to Type III V-tou are construed as [V-tou NP] while Type IV to Type VII are intransitive pattern [V-tou #]. In Type I, IV, and VI, tou is interpreted as a resultant complement while in Type II, III, V and VII, tou has a degree reading. As a resultant complement, tou is interpreted as ‘clear’, ‘penetrate’, ‘fill’, ‘accomplish’ and ‘complete’. As a degree complement, tou is noted as ‘very’. Mostly, with degree-denoting tou, V are psyche verbs.
In addition, the two semantics of tou (i.e., result versus degree tou) are compared by three tests: (a) insertions of potential modality items de/bu, (b) negations, (c) proportional and endpoint-oriented modifiers (Kennedy and McNally 2005). It is argued that only result-denoting V-tou can be separated by de/bu. Besides, the negation of bu ‘not’ only modifies degree-reading tou when the V-tou is lexicalized. In addition, these two kinds of tou perform distinctly when collocating with proportional and endpoint-oriented modifiers. For example, ban ‘half’ only modify result-denoting tou and results in ambiguous readings.
This study also discusses the ergativity (Levin and Rappaport 1995, Gu 2003) among V-tou configurations. Following Levin and Rappaport (1995) and Gu (2003), external and internal force play important roles in ergativity. Unlike Gu’s (2003) analysis, V-tou undergoes more constraints in ergativity than the canonical VV resultative compounds. However, V-tou types with transitive predicates (I, II, and III) would find their counterparts in other intransitive V-tou categories. The seven types of V-tou are therefore intertwined.
Finally, based on construction grammar (Goldberg 1995, 2004), this study argues that V-tou constitutes a family of constructions with Type I result-denoting V-tou as the central sense since it bares more concrete concept than other types of V-tou compounds. The reason why result and degree forms like a family is from the idea that the ‘unbounded temporal extension’ in resultative is viewed as ‘open range’ in degree structure. Even though they perform distinctly in syntactic representations, they are closely related in certain concept.
摘要.......................................................i
Abstract .................................................ii
Acknowledgements .........................................iv
Table of Content .........................................vi
List of Abbreviations ....................................ix
Lists of Tables ..........................................ix
Lists of Figures ......................................... x
Chapter 1 Introduction ................................... 1
1.1 Motivation of Exploration ............................ 1
1.2 Goal of Exploration .................................. 5
1.3 Organization of the Thesis ........................... 6
Chapter 2 Literature Review .............................. 7
2.1 Analysis of Resultative Construction ................. 7
2.1.1 Cheng and Huang (1994) ............................. 7
2.1.2 Sybesma (1999) .................................... 10
2.1.3 Gu (2003) ......................................... 14
2.1.4 Shen and Lin (2005) ............................... 19
2.2 Analysis of Excessive Constructions ................. 30
2.3 Analysis of V-tou Constructions ..................... 34
2.4 Summary ............................................. 40
Chapter 3 Analyzing [V-tou NP] Construction in Mandarin Chinese...................................................41
3.1 Introduction ........................................ 41
3.2 Syntactic Analysis of V-tou NP ...................... 41
3.2.1 Type I: Transitive Result-Denoting V-tou NP ....... 41
3.2.2 Type II: Transitive Degree-Denoting V-tou NP....... 49
3.2.3 Type III: Causative Degree-Denoting V-tou NP....... 51
3.3 Semantic Analysis of V-tou NP ....................... 53
3.3.1 Type I: Transitive Result-Denoting V-tou NP ....... 53
3.3.2 Type II: Transitive Degree-Denoting V-tou NP....... 58
3.3.3 Type III: Causative Degree-Denoting V-tou NP....... 59
3.4 V in [V-tou NP] Construction ........................ 60
3.5 Summary ............................................. 62
Chapter 4 Analyzing [V-tou #] Construction in Mandarin Chinese ................................................. 65
4.1 Introduction ........................................ 65
4.2 Syntactic Analysis of V-tou ......................... 66
4.2.1 Type IV: Object-Preposing Result-Denoting V-tou ... 66
4.2.2 Type V: Object-Preposing Degree-Denoting V-tou .... 68
4.2.3 Type VI: Unaccusative Resultative V-tou ........... 70
4.2.4 Type VII: Unaccusative Degree-Denoting V-tou ...... 75
4.3 Semantic Analysis of V-tou .......................... 77
4.3.1 Type IV: Object-Preposing Result-Denoting V-tou ... 77
4.3.2 Type V: Object-Preposing Degree-Denoting V-tou .... 78
4.3.3 Type VI: Unaccusative Result-Denoting V-tou ....... 79
4.3.4 Type VII: Unaccusative Degree-Denoting V-tou ...... 82
4.4 Summary ............................................. 86
Chapter 5 A Closer Look at V-tou Constructions .......... 88
5.1 Introduction ........................................ 88
5.2 Result versus degree tou ............................ 88
5.3 Mixed V-tou ........................................ 106
5.4 Ergativity of V-tou Constructions .................. 108
5.5 Summary ............................................ 117
Chapter 6 Conclusion ................................... 119
6.1 Introduction ....................................... 119
6.2 Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, 2004) ......... 119
6.3 Conclusion ......................................... 127
REFERENCES ............................................. 130
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