(3.237.97.64) 您好!臺灣時間:2021/03/04 11:33
字體大小: 字級放大   字級縮小   預設字形  
回查詢結果

詳目顯示:::

我願授權國圖
: 
twitterline
研究生:陳怡潔
研究生(外文):Chen, Yi-Jie
論文名稱:Affixation Induced Phonological Variations in Plngawan Atayal
論文名稱(外文):泰雅語萬大方言中加綴引發的音韻變化
指導教授:黃慧娟黃慧娟引用關係
指導教授(外文):Huang, Hui-chuan
口試委員:李佩容謝豐帆
口試日期:2012-1-03
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立清華大學
系所名稱:語言學研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:語言學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2012
畢業學年度:100
語文別:英文
論文頁數:178
中文關鍵詞:萬大泰雅語音韻變化加綴
外文關鍵詞:Plngawan AtayalPhonological VariationsAffixation
相關次數:
  • 被引用被引用:0
  • 點閱點閱:419
  • 評分評分:系統版面圖檔系統版面圖檔系統版面圖檔系統版面圖檔系統版面圖檔
  • 下載下載:54
  • 收藏至我的研究室書目清單書目收藏:0
本論文旨在描述泰雅語萬大方言的音韻現象,並以優選理論(Optimality Theory)作為架構,分析構詞加綴與音韻現象的互動。
本論文首先解決泰雅語萬大方言基本音韻現象。文中描述各個音素在字中的分佈位置及其相關的音韻變化,並透過加綴形式來彰顯某些音素在表層會有的變化。此外在文中我也進一步分析音節的結構與限制。雖然萬大方言中,每個字都必須以輔音開頭,但是零聲母的音節可以出現在字中。字尾則允許開音節結尾。但是無論在哪個位置,詞中子音串必須分屬不同音節。前人認為萬大方言允許的最大音節結構為CVC,在本論文中我也同時澄清了萬大方言允許的最大音節結構應為CGVC。
泰雅語萬大方言中,幾乎所有的音韻變化都發生在構詞加綴形式中。本論文分別介紹了加前綴及加後綴後會產生的音韻變化。其中文獻中提到主事焦點前綴um在輔音前會有variation un,un也同時是-um-in-的縮略形式。我提供了相對的語料顯示un事實上是鼻音部位同化(nasal place assimilation)的結果,因此um實際上還有一個uŋ的變體。另外,我提出umin的縮略形式實際上應為unn,而非un。我也提供了一系列的語料顯示出當in加綴後,因為in本身的限制,會引起元音刪略的現象。因此umin縮略成unn實際上也是因為in加綴造成的結果。
加了後綴、依據環境不同,則有可能引發兩種音韻變化,元音融合(vowel coalescence)和跨喉塞音的元音同化(transguttural vowel assimilation)。不論是元音融合還是元音同化,在泰雅語萬大方言中,這些音韻變化都只發生在構詞派生環境(morphological derived environment)中。如果詞為開音節結尾,後綴加綴後會引起元音融合,因為加綴所造成的元音串是不被允許的。但是如果詞尾是高後元音/u/,加綴命令式後綴i的話,元音融合則不會出現。我提出這是因為泰雅語萬大方言中沒有央化元音,並以*u制約來表示。當詞為喉塞音結尾,加綴locative focus an後會引起元音同化現象。在泰雅語萬大方言中,無論是鼻音部位同化或是元音同化,同化的方向都是逆向(regressive assimilation)。最後,因為在泰雅語萬大方言中缺乏高元音+喉擦音結尾(ih, uh]#)的例子而賽德克語卻有相應的例子,又因為賽德克語與萬大方言間有許多相似處,因此透過賽德克語霧社方言的例子來表現跨喉塞音元音同化的現象,並透過這個跨方言的比較,提出賽德克語與萬大方言間的相似及相異處。

This thesis aims to describe the phonology of Plngawan Atayal, an endangered Austronesian language. Under the framework of Optimality theory, this thesis focuses on two general topics, which are the general phonology and affixation induced phonology.
This thesis begins with discussing the general phonology of Plngawan Atayal. The discussion includes the distribution of phonemes and their related phonological variations. These variations will come forth or be manifested in affixed forms. For the purpose of manifesting the variations on the surface, a series of affixed data are provided. Structures and related restrictions of syllables are also part of the discussion. It is shown that although every word in Plngawan must begin with a consonant, onsetless syllables can occur word-medially. In that case, when there is a word-media onsetless syllable, adjacent vowels stand in hiatus relation. However, wherever in a word (word-initial, medial, final), consonant clusters must be heterosyllabic. Words can end with an open syllable. While previous literatures on Plngawan consider CVC as the maximum syllable structure, it is CGVC which is considered as the maximum syllable structure in this thesis.
In Plngawan Atayal, almost every phonological variation is induced by affixation. The phonological variations induced by prefixes and suffixes are introduced separately. Based on different environments, infixal prefixes could induce different variations, e.g., nasal place assimilation and syncope. Suffixation could also induce different phonological variations—vowel coalescence and transguttural vowel assimilation.
When the infixal prefixes precede consonants, the nasal consonant of um, in will agree in place features with the adjacent consonant. Therefore, the agent focus marker um actually has two variants which are /un/ and /uŋ/. Moreover, I also justify that the contraction form of umin should be unn but un. Observing words affixed with in, it is found that because of the in specific restriction (ALIGN (in, R, σ R)), in affixing will incur syncope. In that case, contraction of umin is also the victim of syncope.
In words which end with an open syllable, attaching a suffix will incur coalescence because vowel clusters are not allowed in affixed form. If a word ends with a guttural consonant, affixing locative focus (locative case) an will incur vowel assimilation. In Plngawan Atayal, either nasal place assimilation or vowel assimilation are regressive. Finally, because no example showing high vowels followed by glottal fricative (ih, uh]#) in Plngawan is found currently, I use examples from Sediq to support for transguttural vowel assimilation. Through the cross-dialectal comparison between Sediq and Plngawan, some of the similarities and differences between these two languages are provided.

This thesis aims to describe the phonology of Plngawan Atayal, an endangered Austronesian language. Under the framework of Optimality theory, this thesis focuses on two general topics, which are the general phonology and affixation induced phonology.
This thesis begins with discussing the general phonology of Plngawan Atayal. The discussion includes the distribution of phonemes and their related phonological variations. These variations will come forth or be manifested in affixed forms. For the purpose of manifesting the variations on the surface, a series of affixed data are provided. Structures and related restrictions of syllables are also part of the discussion. It is shown that although every word in Plngawan must begin with a consonant, onsetless syllables can occur word-medially. In that case, when there is a word-media onsetless syllable, adjacent vowels stand in hiatus relation. However, wherever in a word (word-initial, medial, final), consonant clusters must be heterosyllabic. Words can end with an open syllable. While previous literatures on Plngawan consider CVC as the maximum syllable structure, it is CGVC which is considered as the maximum syllable structure in this thesis.
In Plngawan Atayal, almost every phonological variation is induced by affixation. The phonological variations induced by prefixes and suffixes are introduced separately. Based on different environments, infixal prefixes could induce different variations, e.g., nasal place assimilation and syncope. Suffixation could also induce different phonological variations—vowel coalescence and transguttural vowel assimilation.
When the infixal prefixes precede consonants, the nasal consonant of um, in will agree in place features with the adjacent consonant. Therefore, the agent focus marker um actually has two variants which are /un/ and /uŋ/. Moreover, I also justify that the contraction form of umin should be unn but un. Observing words affixed with in, it is found that because of the in specific restriction (ALIGN (in, R, σ R)), in affixing will incur syncope. In that case, contraction of umin is also the victim of syncope.
In words which end with an open syllable, attaching a suffix will incur coalescence because vowel clusters are not allowed in affixed form. If a word ends with a guttural consonant, affixing locative focus (locative case) an will incur vowel assimilation. In Plngawan Atayal, either nasal place assimilation or vowel assimilation are regressive. Finally, because no example showing high vowels followed by glottal fricative (ih, uh]#) in Plngawan is found currently, I use examples from Sediq to support for transguttural vowel assimilation. Through the cross-dialectal comparison between Sediq and Plngawan, some of the similarities and differences between these two languages are provided.

Table of Content
摘要 I
ABSTRACT II
致謝詞 III
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS IV
LIST OF SYMBOLS V
TABLE OF CONTENT VI
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1
1.1. GENERAL BACKGROUND OF PLNGAWAN 1
1.2. DATA COLLECTION 4
1.3. LITERATURE REVIEW 5
1.3.1. On Plngawan Atayal Literature 5
1.3.2. Theoretical Concerns 7
1.3.2.1. Correspondence Theory 8
1.3.2.2. Generalized Alignment 9
1.4. OVERVIEW OF THIS THESIS 10
CHAPTER 2. GENERAL PHONOLOGY 11
2.1. PHONEME INVENTORY 11
2.1.1. Consonants 11
2.1.1.1. Stops 12
2.1.1.2. Nasals 15
2.1.1.3. Fricatives and Affricates 16
2.1.1.4. Liquids 19
2.1.1.5. Glides 20
2.1.2. Vowels 22
2.2. SYLLABLE STRUCTURE 23
2.2.1. Restrictions on syllable margins 25
2.2.1.1. Stem-initial glottal stop 25
2.2.1.2. Stem-Final 26
2.2.1.3. Underlying consonant clusters 28
2.3. OT ANALYSIS OF SYLLABIFICATION 29
2.3.1. Syllable Structures: Epenthesis as a strategy of avoiding complex syllable margins 32
2.3.2. Derived consonant clusters 34
2.4. THE ISSUES ON GLIDES 35
2.4.1. Phonemic Glides 38
2.4.2. Vowel Alternation--On diachronic changes of glides 44
2.4.3. Post-consonantal behavior of glides 49
2.5. STRESS 56
2.5.1. Stress Assignment 58
2.6. LOCAL CONCLUSION 61
CHAPTER 3. AFFIXATION AND PHONOLOGY 63
3.1. AFFIXES AND DISTRIBUTION 63
3.1.1. Prefixes 63
3.1.2. Focus 64
3.1.2.1. Agent Focus um 66
3.1.3. Aspect marker 70
3.1.4. Other prefixes 73
3.1.5. Suffixes 75
3.2. NASAL PLACE ASSIMILATION 76
3.3. SYNCOPE AND EPENTHESIS 87
3.3.1. Competing Prefixes 100
3.4. LOCAL CONCLUSION 114
CHAPTER 4. COALESCENCE AND VOWEL LOWERING 116
4.1. COALESCENCE 116
4.2. TRANSGUTTURAL VOWEL LOWERING 126
4.2.1. Glottal stop as transparent 128
4.2.2. Regressive Assimilation 137
4.2.3. The related discussion 141
4.2.4. Alternative approach 143
4.3. COMPARISON WITH PARAN SEDIQ 145
4.3.1. Nasal Place Assimilation 147
4.3.2. Transguttural Vowel Assimilation in Paran Sediq 147
4.4. LOCAL CONCLUSION 156
CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION 158
REFERENCES 162
APPENDIX 169
References
Bakovic, Eric. 2000. Harmony, Dominance & Control. Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers University.
Bakovic, Eric. 2003. Vowel Harmony and Stem Identity. [ROA-540].
Beckman, Jill N. 1998. Positional faithfulness. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Benua, Laura. 1995. Identity effects in morphological truncation. In Beckman, Walsh Dickey, and Urbanczyk. 77-136.
Benua, Laura. 1997. Transderivational identity: phonological relations between words. PhD dissertation, Universit of Massachusetts, Amherst. [ROA-259]
Bhat, D.N. Shankara. 1978. Pronominalization: a cross-linguistic study. Pune: Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute.
Blust, Robert. 2009. The Austronesian languages. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University.
Borroff, Marianne L. 2007. A Landmark Underspecification Account of the Patterning of Glottal Stop. Ph.D dissertation. Stony Brook University.
Broselow, Ellen. 2003. Marginal phonology: phonotactics on the edge. The Linguistic Review 20: 159-193.
Butska, Luba. 2002. Faithful Stress in Paradigms: Nominal Inflection in Ukrainian and Russian. Ph.D dissertation. Rutgers University.
Chung, Sandra. 1983. Transderivational relationships in Chamorro Phonology. Language 59-1: 35-66.
Clements, George N. and Samuel J. Keyser. 1983. CV phonology: A generative theory of the syllable. Linguistic inquiry monographs (No. 9). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Clynes, Adrian. 1997. On the Proto-Austronesian "Diphthongs". Oceanic Linguistics 36.15.
Cole, Jennifer, and Charles W. Kisseberth. 1995. Nasal Harmony in Optimal Domains Theory. Urbana-Champaign, IL: Cognitive Science Technical Report UIUC-BI-CS-95-02, University of Illinois.
Crowhurst, Megan. 1998. Um infixation and prefixation in Toba Batak. Language 74: 590-604.
Crowhurst, Megan. 2001. Coda conditions and um infixation in Toba Batak. Lingua 111: 561-590.
Crowhurst, Megan. 2004. Mora alignment. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 22: 127-177.
Dahl, Otto Christian. 1973. Proto-Austronesian. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Monograph Series, No. 15. London: Curzon Press.
De Lacy, Paul. 2002. The formal expression of markedness. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
De Lacy, Paul. 2004. Markedness conflation in Optimality Theory. Phonology 21.2, 1–55.
De Lacy, Paul. 2006. Markedness: Reduction and Preservation in Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Egerod, Soren. 1965. An English-Atayal vocabulary, Acta Oreientalia 19:203-20.
Egerod, Soren. 1966. A statement on Atayal phonology. Artibus Aside Supplementum XXIII (Felicitation Volume for the 75th Birthday of Prof. G.H. Luce) 1.120-30.
Frazier, Melissa. 2006. Accent in Proto-Indo-European Athematic Nouns: Antifaithfulness in Inflectional Paradigms. MA thesis. UNC-CH. [ROA-819]
Goldsmith, John. 1990. Autosegmental and Metrical Phonology. Basil Blackwell, Cambridge, 91-105.
Halpert, Claire. 2008. Overlap-Driven Consequences of Zulu Nasal Place Assimilation. Workshop on Consonant Clusters and Structural Complexity. Munich, Germany.
Hargus, Sharon & Beavert, Virginia. 2006. High-ranking Affix Faithfulness in Yakima Sahaptin. Proceedings of the 25th West Coast Conference of Formal Linguistics, ed. Donald Baumer, David Montero, and Michael Scanlon, 177-185. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceddings Project.
Hayes, Bruce. 1987. A revised parametric metrical theory. In J. McDonough and B. Plunket (eds.), Proceedings of the Northe East Linguistic Society 17: 274-89.
Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical stress theory: principles and case studies. University of Chicago Press.
Herrick, Dylan. 1999. Catalan Cluster Simplification and Nasal Place Assimilation. UC Santa Cruz: Linguistics Research Center
Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2006. Resolving vowel clusters: A comparison of Isbukun Bunun and Squliq Atayal. Language and Linguistics 7.1: 1-26.
Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2010. Variations in Squliq Atayal Morphologically-Induced Vowel Syncope. Paper presented at the 18th Manchester Phonology Meeting (mfm-18), May 20-22, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK.
Huang, Lillian M. 1995. A Study of Mayrinax Syntax. Taipei: The Crane Publishing Co.
Huang, Lillian M. 2002. Nominalization in Mayrinax Atayal. Language and Linguistics 3.2:197-225.
Huang, Lillian M. 2006. Case marking system in Plngawan Atayal. Streams Converging into Ocean. Festschrift in Honor of Professor Paul Jen-kuei Li on His 70th Birthday, ed. by Henry Y. Chang, Lillian M. Huang, and Dah-an Ho, 205-238. Language and Linguistics Monograph Series W5. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.
Hyman, Larry M. 2008. Directional asymmetries in the morphology and phonology of words, with special reference to Bantu. Linguistics 46-2: 309-350.
Ito, Junko and Armin Mester. 1993. Licensed Segments and Safe Paths. In C. Paradis and D. LaCharite (eds.), Constraint-Based Theories in Multilinear Phonology, special issue of the Canadian Journal of Linguistics.
Jun, Jongho. 2004. Place assimilation. Preprint version. Published in B. Hayes, R. Kirchner and D. Steriade (eds.) Phonetically Based Phonology, 58-86.Cambridge University Press.
Jun, Jongho. 2008. Perception-based asymmetries in place assimilation and lenition. In Haruo Kubozono (ed.) Asymmetries in Phonology: An East-Asian Perspective. Kurosio Publishers.
Jurgec, Peter. 2010. Feature Spreading 2.0: A Unified Theory of Assimilation. PhD dissertation, University of Tromso.
Kager, Rene. 2001. Rhythmic directionality by positional licensing. Paper presented at HILP 5, University of Potsdam.
Kager, Rene.1993. Alternatives to the iambic-trochaic law. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 11. 381-432.
Kimmerl, Joseph A, Robert F. Baudhuin and Temu Bakan. Glossory of Ke Ciuli Vocabulary as Spoken only in Wanda Village. (Unpublished)
Klein, Thomas B. 2005. Infixation and segmental constraint effects: UM and IN in Tagalog, Chamorro, and Toba Batak. Lingua 115: 959-995.
Kramer, Martin 2003. Vowel Harmony and Correspondence Theory. Studies in Generative Grammar 66. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Lambert, Wendy Mae. 1999. Epenthesis, Metathesis and Vowel-Glide Alternation: Prosodic Reflexes in Mabalay Atayal. M.A. thesis, National Tsing Hua University, Hsinchu, Taiwan.
Levi, Susannah V. 2004. The representation of underlying glides: a cross-linguistic study. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Washington.
Levi, Susannah V. 2008. Phonemic vs. derived glides. Lingua 118: 1956–1978.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1977. Morphophonemic alternations in Formosan languages. Bulletin of the Istitute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 48.3:375-413
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1980. The phonological rules of Atayal dialects. Bulletin of the Istitute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 51.2:349-405.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1981. Reconstruction of proto-Atayalic phonology. Bulletin of the Istitute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 52.2:235-301.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1982. Male and female forms of speech in the Atayalic group. Bulletin of the Istitute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 53.2:265-304.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1985. Linguistic criteria for classifying Atayalic dialect groups. Bulletin of the Istitute of History and Philology Academia Sinica 56.4:699-718.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1991. Vowel deletion and vowel assimilation in Seediq. Currents in Pacific Linguistics, Papers on Austronesian languages and ethnolinguistics in honour of George W. Grace. Pacific Linguistics C-117: 163-169.
Lu, Anne Yu-an. 2005a. Mayrinax Phonology: With Special Reference to UM Affixation. MA thesis. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University.
Lu, Anne Yu-an. 2005b. Order and interaction of prefixes in Mayrinax Atayal. UST Working Papers in Linguistics, vol 1: 295-310. National Tsing Hua Universit
Mahanta, Shakuntala. 2007. Directionality and Locality in Vowel Harmony: with special reference to vowel harmony in Assamese. Ph.D dissertation, Utrecht University.
McCarthy John, and Alan Prince. (1994). An overview of prosodic morphology. Papers presented at the OTS/HIL Workshop on Prosodic Morphology, University of Utrecht.
McCarthy, J. John & Alan Prince. 1993. Generalized Alignment. In Booij, G., van Marle, J., (eds.), Yearbook of Morphology. Kluwer, Dordrecht, 79-153.
McCarthy, J. John & Alan Prince. 1995. Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In Beckman et al. (eds.). University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18: 249-384.
McCarthy, J. John and Alan Prince. 1986. Prosodic morphology. Ms., University of Massachusetts, Amherst and Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass.
McCarthy, J. John and Alan Prince. 1995. Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. In J. N. Beckman, L. Walsh Dickey and S. Urbanczyk, eds., University of Massachusetts cccasional papers 18: Papers in Optimality Theory, 249-384. GLSA, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
McCarthy, J. John. 1994. On Coronal “Transparency”. Paper presented at the annual Trilateral Phonology Weekend, UC Santa Cruz.
McCarthy, J. John. 2000. Faithfulness and Prosodic Circumscription. Optimality Theory: Syntax, Phonology, and Acquisition. Ed. Joost Dekkers, Frank van der Leeuw, and Jeroen van de Weijer. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. 151-189.
McCarthy, J. John. 2002. Against gradience. Manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst (Rutgers Optimality Archive #510.)
Odden, David. 1991. Vowel Geometry. Phonology 8: 261-289.
Ogawa, Naoyoshi. 1931. Atayal Vocabulary. Taihoku: Gouvernement Gerneral of Taiwan.
Ohala, John J. 1990. The Phonetics and Phonology of Aspects of Assimilation. In John Kingston and Mary E. Beckman (eds), Papers in Laboratory Phonology I. Cambridge University Press, 258-275.
Orgun, Cemil Orhan and Ronald L. Srouse. 1999. From MParse to Constrol: Deriving ungrammaticality. PHOnology 16: 191-224.
Padgett, Jaye. 1995a. Partial Class Behavior and Nasal Place Assimilation. Rutgers Optimality Archive 113, http://roa.rutgers.edu/.
Padgett, Jaye. 1995b. Feature Classes. In Papers in Optimality Theory, University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers (UMOP) 18, GLSA, UMass, Amherst.
Padgett, Jaye. 2001. The Unabridged Feature Classes in Phonology. Ms., University of California, Santa Cruz.
Padgett, Jaye. 2008. Glides, vowels, and features. Lingua 118: 1937-1955.
Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. 2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Prince, Alan S. & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Technical Report of Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science 2.
Rau, Der-Hwa V. 2000. Phonological variation and sound change in Atayal. 39.1, June, Oceanic Linguistics.144-156.
Rau, Der-Hwa V. 2004. Lexical Similarity, Sound Change and Intelligibility of Atayalic Dialects. Papers on Austronesian Subgrouping and Dialectology.37-96.
Rau, Der-Hwa V. 2004. Lexical similarity, sound change and intelligibility of Atayalic dialects, John Bowden & Nikolaus Himmelmann (eds.) Papers on Austronesian Subgrouping and Dialectology. Pacific Linguistics. Canberra, Australian National University. 37-96
Reid, L.A. 1992. On the Development of the Aspect System in Some Philippine Languages. Oceanic Linguistics 31:65-91.
Rose, Sharon. 1996. Variable laryngeals and vowel lowering. Phonology 13: 73-117.
Ross, Malcolm D. 1995. Reconstructin Proto-Austronesian verbal morphology: Evidence from Taiwan. Austronesian Studies Relating to Taiwan, ed. By Paul Jen-Kuei Li, Cheng-Hwa Tsang, Ying-Kuei Huang, Dah-an Ho and Chiu-Yu Tseng. Symposium Series of the Institute of History and Philogoy No.3: 727-792. Taipei: Acdemia Sincica.
Russel, Kevin. 1997. Optimality Theory and Morphology. In Diana Archangeli and Terence Langendoen (eds.) Optimality Theory: An Overview, 102-133. Oxford: Blackwell.
Shih, Cindy Peiru. 2008. Interrogative Constructions in Plngawan Atayal. MA thesis. Taipei: National Taiwan Normal University.
Silverman, Daniel. 1997. Phasing and Recoverability. New York: Garland.
Starosta, Stanley, Andrew K. Pawley and Lawrence A. Reid. 1982. The evolution of focus in Austronesian. In Papers from te 3rd International Coference on Austronesian Linguistics, Vol.2: Tracking the Travellers, ed. By Amran Halim, Lois Carrington and S. A. Wurm. Pacific Linguistics C-15.2:145-170.
Steriade, Donca. 1987. Locality and Feature Geometry. Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 17: 595-619.
Tseng, Josh Chia-hsing. 2009. The Morphophonemic Alternations in Thao Phonology. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University MA thesis.
Tseng, Meylysa. 2003. Reduplication as Affixation in Paiwan. Chiayi: National Chung Cheng University MA thesis.
Ussishkin, Adam &Wedel, Andrew.2002. Neighborhood Density and the Root-Affix Distinction. Proceeding of NELS 32. GLSA: Masako Hirotani, ed.
Ussishkin, Adam. 1999. Head Dominance in Modern Hebrew Prosodic Morphology. UC Santa Cruz: Linguistics Research Center.
Walker, Rachel and Feng, Bella. 2004. A ternary model of morphology-phonology correspondence. In B. Schmeiser, V. Chand, A. Kelleher, and A. Rodriguez (eds.) WCCFL 23 Proceedings. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press.
Walker, Rachel Leah. 1998. Nasalization, Neutral Segments, and Opacity Effects. Ph.D. dissertation. University of California, Santa Cruz.
Walker, Rachel Leah. 2001. Positional markedness in vowel harmony. Proceedings of HILP 5. Linguistics in Potsdam, Vol. 12, ed. by Caroline Fery, Antony Dubach Green and Ruben van de Vijver, pp. 212-232. University of Potsdam.
Walker, Rachel Leah. 2005. Weak triggers in vowel harmony. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 23, 917-989.
Wolff, John U. 1973. Verbal inflextion in Proto-Austronesian. Parangal kay Cecilio Lopez, ed. By Andrew Gonzalez, 71-91. Quezon City: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.
Yamada, Yukihiro and Ying-chu Liao. 1974. A phonology of Tayal, Research Reports of the Kochi University 23.6:109-117.
Yamane-Tanaka, Noriko. 2006. Transguttural Harmony in Gitksan: Its Variations and Typological Implications. Proceedings of the 21st NorthWest Linguistics Conference, UBC Occasional Papers in Linguistics 1 (CD-ROM), ed. by S. K. Chin and A. Fujimori, 136-152. [Available at Rutgers Optimality Archive: ROA-816].
Yamane-Tanaka, Noriko. 2007. *K in Conflation Theory: When a language has transguttural harmony. Ms., University of British Columbia. [ROA 899.]
Yang, Hsiu-fang. 1976. The phonological structure of the Paran dialect of Seediq. Bulletin of the Instriture of History and Philology 47-4: 611-706.
Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 2000. Concerning ka-, an Overlooked Marker of Verbal Derivation in Formosan Languages. Oceanic Linguistics 39:391-414.
Zoll, Cheryl. 1998. Parsing Below the Segment in a Constraint-Based Framework. (Rutgers Optimality Archive #143).
辜雯華編著 (Mandivaiian, Aping). 2008.《賽德克民族族語圖解辭典》(The Illustrated Dictionary of Sediq/ Seediq/ Sejiq/ Seejiq Nation). 南投市:投縣原民局.
辜雯華編著 (Mandivaiian, Aping). 2008.《泰雅語圖解辭典》(Tayan Illustation Dictionary). 南投市:投縣原民局.
陳康. 2001. 賽德克語動詞命令式的協合音變。《民族語文》第5期.
連結至畢業學校之論文網頁點我開啟連結
註: 此連結為研究生畢業學校所提供,不一定有電子全文可供下載,若連結有誤,請點選上方之〝勘誤回報〞功能,我們會盡快修正,謝謝!
QRCODE
 
 
 
 
 
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
第一頁 上一頁 下一頁 最後一頁 top
系統版面圖檔 系統版面圖檔