本論文旨在描述泰雅語萬大方言的音韻現象，並以優選理論(Optimality Theory)作為架構，分析構詞加綴與音韻現象的互動。
本論文首先解決泰雅語萬大方言基本音韻現象。文中描述各個音素在字中的分佈位置及其相關的音韻變化，並透過加綴形式來彰顯某些音素在表層會有的變化。此外在文中我也進一步分析音節的結構與限制。雖然萬大方言中，每個字都必須以輔音開頭，但是零聲母的音節可以出現在字中。字尾則允許開音節結尾。但是無論在哪個位置，詞中子音串必須分屬不同音節。前人認為萬大方言允許的最大音節結構為CVC，在本論文中我也同時澄清了萬大方言允許的最大音節結構應為CGVC。
泰雅語萬大方言中，幾乎所有的音韻變化都發生在構詞加綴形式中。本論文分別介紹了加前綴及加後綴後會產生的音韻變化。其中文獻中提到主事焦點前綴um在輔音前會有variation un，un也同時是-um-in-的縮略形式。我提供了相對的語料顯示un事實上是鼻音部位同化(nasal place assimilation)的結果，因此um實際上還有一個uŋ的變體。另外，我提出umin的縮略形式實際上應為unn，而非un。我也提供了一系列的語料顯示出當in加綴後，因為in本身的限制，會引起元音刪略的現象。因此umin縮略成unn實際上也是因為in加綴造成的結果。
加了後綴、依據環境不同，則有可能引發兩種音韻變化，元音融合(vowel coalescence)和跨喉塞音的元音同化(transguttural vowel assimilation)。不論是元音融合還是元音同化，在泰雅語萬大方言中，這些音韻變化都只發生在構詞派生環境(morphological derived environment)中。如果詞為開音節結尾，後綴加綴後會引起元音融合，因為加綴所造成的元音串是不被允許的。但是如果詞尾是高後元音/u/，加綴命令式後綴i的話，元音融合則不會出現。我提出這是因為泰雅語萬大方言中沒有央化元音，並以*u制約來表示。當詞為喉塞音結尾，加綴locative focus an後會引起元音同化現象。在泰雅語萬大方言中，無論是鼻音部位同化或是元音同化，同化的方向都是逆向（regressive assimilation）。最後，因為在泰雅語萬大方言中缺乏高元音＋喉擦音結尾（ih, uh]#）的例子而賽德克語卻有相應的例子，又因為賽德克語與萬大方言間有許多相似處，因此透過賽德克語霧社方言的例子來表現跨喉塞音元音同化的現象，並透過這個跨方言的比較，提出賽德克語與萬大方言間的相似及相異處。

This thesis aims to describe the phonology of Plngawan Atayal, an endangered Austronesian language. Under the framework of Optimality theory, this thesis focuses on two general topics, which are the general phonology and affixation induced phonology.
This thesis begins with discussing the general phonology of Plngawan Atayal. The discussion includes the distribution of phonemes and their related phonological variations. These variations will come forth or be manifested in affixed forms. For the purpose of manifesting the variations on the surface, a series of affixed data are provided. Structures and related restrictions of syllables are also part of the discussion. It is shown that although every word in Plngawan must begin with a consonant, onsetless syllables can occur word-medially. In that case, when there is a word-media onsetless syllable, adjacent vowels stand in hiatus relation. However, wherever in a word (word-initial, medial, final), consonant clusters must be heterosyllabic. Words can end with an open syllable. While previous literatures on Plngawan consider CVC as the maximum syllable structure, it is CGVC which is considered as the maximum syllable structure in this thesis.
In Plngawan Atayal, almost every phonological variation is induced by affixation. The phonological variations induced by prefixes and suffixes are introduced separately. Based on different environments, infixal prefixes could induce different variations, e.g., nasal place assimilation and syncope. Suffixation could also induce different phonological variations—vowel coalescence and transguttural vowel assimilation.
When the infixal prefixes precede consonants, the nasal consonant of um, in will agree in place features with the adjacent consonant. Therefore, the agent focus marker um actually has two variants which are /un/ and /uŋ/. Moreover, I also justify that the contraction form of umin should be unn but un. Observing words affixed with in, it is found that because of the in specific restriction (ALIGN (in, R, σ R)), in affixing will incur syncope. In that case, contraction of umin is also the victim of syncope.
In words which end with an open syllable, attaching a suffix will incur coalescence because vowel clusters are not allowed in affixed form. If a word ends with a guttural consonant, affixing locative focus (locative case) an will incur vowel assimilation. In Plngawan Atayal, either nasal place assimilation or vowel assimilation are regressive. Finally, because no example showing high vowels followed by glottal fricative (ih, uh]#) in Plngawan is found currently, I use examples from Sediq to support for transguttural vowel assimilation. Through the cross-dialectal comparison between Sediq and Plngawan, some of the similarities and differences between these two languages are provided.

This thesis aims to describe the phonology of Plngawan Atayal, an endangered Austronesian language. Under the framework of Optimality theory, this thesis focuses on two general topics, which are the general phonology and affixation induced phonology.
This thesis begins with discussing the general phonology of Plngawan Atayal. The discussion includes the distribution of phonemes and their related phonological variations. These variations will come forth or be manifested in affixed forms. For the purpose of manifesting the variations on the surface, a series of affixed data are provided. Structures and related restrictions of syllables are also part of the discussion. It is shown that although every word in Plngawan must begin with a consonant, onsetless syllables can occur word-medially. In that case, when there is a word-media onsetless syllable, adjacent vowels stand in hiatus relation. However, wherever in a word (word-initial, medial, final), consonant clusters must be heterosyllabic. Words can end with an open syllable. While previous literatures on Plngawan consider CVC as the maximum syllable structure, it is CGVC which is considered as the maximum syllable structure in this thesis.
In Plngawan Atayal, almost every phonological variation is induced by affixation. The phonological variations induced by prefixes and suffixes are introduced separately. Based on different environments, infixal prefixes could induce different variations, e.g., nasal place assimilation and syncope. Suffixation could also induce different phonological variations—vowel coalescence and transguttural vowel assimilation.
When the infixal prefixes precede consonants, the nasal consonant of um, in will agree in place features with the adjacent consonant. Therefore, the agent focus marker um actually has two variants which are /un/ and /uŋ/. Moreover, I also justify that the contraction form of umin should be unn but un. Observing words affixed with in, it is found that because of the in specific restriction (ALIGN (in, R, σ R)), in affixing will incur syncope. In that case, contraction of umin is also the victim of syncope.
In words which end with an open syllable, attaching a suffix will incur coalescence because vowel clusters are not allowed in affixed form. If a word ends with a guttural consonant, affixing locative focus (locative case) an will incur vowel assimilation. In Plngawan Atayal, either nasal place assimilation or vowel assimilation are regressive. Finally, because no example showing high vowels followed by glottal fricative (ih, uh]#) in Plngawan is found currently, I use examples from Sediq to support for transguttural vowel assimilation. Through the cross-dialectal comparison between Sediq and Plngawan, some of the similarities and differences between these two languages are provided.

Table of Content
摘要 I
ABSTRACT II
致謝詞 III
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS IV
LIST OF SYMBOLS V
TABLE OF CONTENT VI
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION 1
1.1. GENERAL BACKGROUND OF PLNGAWAN 1
1.2. DATA COLLECTION 4
1.3. LITERATURE REVIEW 5
1.3.1. On Plngawan Atayal Literature 5
1.3.2. Theoretical Concerns 7
1.3.2.1. Correspondence Theory 8
1.3.2.2. Generalized Alignment 9
1.4. OVERVIEW OF THIS THESIS 10
CHAPTER 2. GENERAL PHONOLOGY 11
2.1. PHONEME INVENTORY 11
2.1.1. Consonants 11
2.1.1.1. Stops 12
2.1.1.2. Nasals 15
2.1.1.3. Fricatives and Affricates 16
2.1.1.4. Liquids 19
2.1.1.5. Glides 20
2.1.2. Vowels 22
2.2. SYLLABLE STRUCTURE 23
2.2.1. Restrictions on syllable margins 25
2.2.1.1. Stem-initial glottal stop 25
2.2.1.2. Stem-Final 26
2.2.1.3. Underlying consonant clusters 28
2.3. OT ANALYSIS OF SYLLABIFICATION 29
2.3.1. Syllable Structures: Epenthesis as a strategy of avoiding complex syllable margins 32
2.3.2. Derived consonant clusters 34
2.4. THE ISSUES ON GLIDES 35
2.4.1. Phonemic Glides 38
2.4.2. Vowel Alternation--On diachronic changes of glides 44
2.4.3. Post-consonantal behavior of glides 49
2.5. STRESS 56
2.5.1. Stress Assignment 58
2.6. LOCAL CONCLUSION 61
CHAPTER 3. AFFIXATION AND PHONOLOGY 63
3.1. AFFIXES AND DISTRIBUTION 63
3.1.1. Prefixes 63
3.1.2. Focus 64
3.1.2.1. Agent Focus um 66
3.1.3. Aspect marker 70
3.1.4. Other prefixes 73
3.1.5. Suffixes 75
3.2. NASAL PLACE ASSIMILATION 76
3.3. SYNCOPE AND EPENTHESIS 87
3.3.1. Competing Prefixes 100
3.4. LOCAL CONCLUSION 114
CHAPTER 4. COALESCENCE AND VOWEL LOWERING 116
4.1. COALESCENCE 116
4.2. TRANSGUTTURAL VOWEL LOWERING 126
4.2.1. Glottal stop as transparent 128
4.2.2. Regressive Assimilation 137
4.2.3. The related discussion 141
4.2.4. Alternative approach 143
4.3. COMPARISON WITH PARAN SEDIQ 145
4.3.1. Nasal Place Assimilation 147
4.3.2. Transguttural Vowel Assimilation in Paran Sediq 147
4.4. LOCAL CONCLUSION 156
CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION 158
REFERENCES 162
APPENDIX 169

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