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研究生:高頡
研究生(外文):Kao, Chieh
論文名稱:多種類型的威權主義:中國政權性質的探討
論文名稱(外文):Varieties of Authoritarianism: Post-Mao China's Regime Type In Focus
指導教授:寇健文寇健文引用關係
指導教授(外文):Kou, Chien Wen
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:國立政治大學
系所名稱:東亞研究所
學門:社會及行為科學學門
學類:區域研究學類
論文種類:學術論文
畢業學年度:101
語文別:中文
論文頁數:128
中文關鍵詞:中國政權性質威權政體後極權主義典型威權主義
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當前中國的政權性質為何?在非民主政體的分類當中,當前中國的位置可能在那裡?這個威權政體在政治、經濟和社會領域方面,究竟表現出那些整體性的特徵?本文將以Linz and Stepan(1996)對非民主政體的分類為基礎,在不捨棄原始分類中任何一個分類標準的前提下,修正並濃縮成一個結合政治領域、經濟領域和社會領域的分析框架。接著,本文根據這個分析框架帶入相關的文獻議題,透過大量具有代表性的二手文獻,從學者們對特定議題的研究成果中抽離出政權的部分特徵,最終歸納整理出對當前中國政權性質的總體評估。
藉由回顧和評析學者們的觀點,本文主張當前中國政權揉合後極權特性(政治領域和社會領域)和典型威權特性(經濟領域),因此在威權主義的概念系譜裡,既不是完全的後極權主義,也不是完全的典型威權主義,而是游離在兩者之間的政權類型。這種帶有混合性質的政權類型,反映出當前中國在脫離毛澤東極權統治時期的過程當中,「政經社」三個領域各自有不同的偏離幅度,即在政治、社會領域的偏離幅度較小,而在經濟領域的偏離幅度較大。不過,這不表示有必要在非民主政體的分類中再增加一個次類型。相反地,本文僅僅是想強調當前中國在「政經社」展現出不同的政權特性,是一種混合、介於、擺盪在後極權主義和典型威權主義之間的威權國家,表現出「多種類型的威權主義」。
本文的研究發現提供兩個研究意涵。第一、中國政權的混合性質可以為非民主政體的分類帶來重要啟示,學界應該重視長期被忽略的經濟因素對政體分類可能的影響力。此外,當一個威權政體並非在各個領域的發展方向皆是一致的時候,學界應該要如何判斷其政權性質。第二、本文從「民主轉型及其鞏固」與「國企改革」兩個議題,討論政權類型對於理解經驗事實的貢獻。從當前中國的政權性質來看,我們仍不宜對中國在短期內出現政治民主化抱持過高的期望。
第一章是緒論,揭開本文的研究問題、回顧研究問題的既有文獻、說明研究方法和研究侷限。第二章至第四章正式進入文章主軸,分別探討政治領域(黨國體制本身的運作)、經濟領域(黨國體制下的國家市場關係)和社會領域(黨國體制下的國家社會關係)。第五章是結論,包括重整本文的研究發現、釐清本文的研究發現與其他學者的不同之處、當前中國在非民主政體分類中的位置、中國政權性質對非民主政體分類的啟示、政權類型對理解經驗事實的貢獻。

第壹章、緒論 1
第一節、研究問題 1
第二節、文獻回顧:後毛澤東時期中國的政權性質為何? 3
第三節、研究發現與主要論點 9
第四節、研究方法 11
第五節、研究限制與章節安排 17

第貳章、政治領域:黨國體制本身的運作 19
第一節、列寧式政黨 19
第二節、意識形態 33
第三節、結論:後極權特性的政治領域 37

第參章、經濟領域:黨國體制下的國家市場關係 39
第一節、國有企業和私營企業的改革和現狀 40
第二節、比較視野:前蘇東共黨國家還是東亞發展型國家? 56
第三節、結論:典型威權特性的經濟領域 63

第肆章、社會領域:黨國體制下的國家-社會關係 65
第一節、市民社會:社會組織、社會抗爭 65
第二節、國家與社會的制度性連結:人大制度、基層選舉 78
第三節、結論:後極權特性的社會領域 86

第伍章、結論 89
第一節、主要論點 89
第二節、本文論點在現有文獻和非民主政體分類的位置 91
第三節、研究意涵:非民主政體的分類、中國政治的未來評估 95

參考書目 103
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中文部分 118


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1. 王信賢,2006,〈將社會帶回?中國大陸中介組織的發展與理論省思:以W市商會與行業協會為例〉,《人文及社會科學集刊》,18(2):293-326。
2. 王信賢、王占璽,2006,〈夾縫求生:中國大陸社會組織的發展與困境〉,《中國大陸研究》,49(1):27-51。
3. 王信賢、李宗義,2008,〈尋找中國NGOs:兩種路徑與困境〉,《社會科學論叢》,第二卷第二期,113-146。
4. 王振寰,1993,〈反對運動與台灣的政治轉型〉,王振寰(著),《資本,勞工,與國家機器:台灣的政治與社會轉型》,台北:台灣社會研究,頁21-60。
5. 江炳倫、吳文程,1992,〈國民黨政治角色的轉變〉,張京育(編),《中華民國民主化──過程、制度與影響》,台北:國立政治大學國際關係研究中心,頁:121-148。
6. 吳木鑾,2008,〈走向國家資本主義?〉,《二十一世紀》,110:24-35。
7. 吳玉山,2003,〈探入中國大陸經改策略之研究:一個比較的途徑〉,《中國大陸研究》,46(3):1-30。
8. 寇健文,2000,〈政治繼承與共黨政權結構穩定性的比較研究〉,《中國大陸研究》,39(3):57-73。
9. 寇健文,2001a,〈中共「幹部年輕化」與政治繼承〉,《中國大陸研究》,44(5):1-17。
10. 寇健文,2001b,〈共青團幹部與中共政治菁英的甄補:團中央常委仕途發展調查〉,《中國大陸研究》,44(9):1-26。
11. 寇健文,2006,〈中共與蘇共高層政治演變的軌跡、動力與影響〉,《問題與研究》,45(3):39-75。
12. 寇健文,2007,〈既重用又防範的菁英甄補:中共海歸派高官的仕途發展與侷限〉,《中國大陸研究》,50(3):1-28。
13. 寇健文,2010,《中共菁英政治的演變:制度化與權力轉移1978-2010》,台北:五南書局。
14. 趙建民,1999,〈黨國體制下黨與立法機構關係的若干思考──中國大陸個案分析〉,《中國大陸研究》,42(9):13-25。
15. 趙建民,2002,〈中共黨國體制下立法機關的制度化〉,《中國大陸研究》,45(5):87-112。