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研究生:孟子辰
研究生(外文):Zi-chen Meng
論文名稱:論漢語「是」分裂句:雙句分析
論文名稱(外文):On Bare Shi Clefts in Mandarin Chinese: A Bi-clausal Analysis
指導教授:王乾安王乾安引用關係
指導教授(外文):Chyan-an Arthur Wang
口試委員:王乾安盧怡君吳曉虹
口試委員(外文):Chyan-an Arthur WangAngela LuHsiao-hung Iris Wu
學位類別:碩士
校院名稱:中原大學
系所名稱:應用外語研究所
學門:人文學門
學類:外國語文學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2014
畢業學年度:102
語文別:英文
論文頁數:359
中文關鍵詞:雙句分析光桿「是」分裂句型焦點分裂假說
外文關鍵詞:bi-clausal analysisSplit-FocP Hypothesisbare shi clefts
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本研究旨在透過雙句分析,深入探討漢語光桿「是」分裂句型。早先研究泰半使用單句分析解釋漢語的分裂句現象,但仍舊有部分問題亟待解決。本研究的雙句分析模式,將「是」字焦點詞分析為繫動詞(copular verb)。此動詞「是」為主句動詞,並且選擇一個完整的包孕句(CP clausal complement)作為其補語。句法成分(consitutent) 必須要透過顯型移位,移入包孕句補詞層的指示詞位置(SpecCP)得到焦點,並且在語音部門上與「是」相近。如此一來,對於不同的焦點結構(例:主詞焦點、附屬成分焦點、動詞組焦點及動詞焦點)都能夠提供一致的分析。
而另一方面,對於漢語中受詞焦點不合語法的現象,雙句分析也能提供一套新的解釋。如果潛在句法結構是兩個子句的情況下,在受詞顯形移位的時候,由於主要子句的「是」已經存在於主要動詞的位置,並沒有多餘的句法位置讓包孕句的動詞能移入。又,就算能夠移入,此時出現在主要動詞「是」之前的句法成分並不完整,如此便能解釋受詞焦點不合語法的現象。此外,透過雙句分析,漢語中的受詞仍舊能藉由受詞移位得到焦點。本研究中,受詞前置的現象可以大體分為兩種:高於時態詞組(TP)的受詞前置(object-fronting),以及低於時態詞組的受詞前置(object-preposing)。雖然原本兩種受詞前置的位置不同,但在雙句分析模式裡,卻都移入包孕句補詞層的指示詞位置(SpecCP),而得到焦點;這項結果也顯示了與上述其他焦點結構一致性的分析。
其他相關的焦點議題也同時在本研究中提出與討論。近來研究證實了時態詞組到動詞組之間的區域(屈折內域,Low IP Area)與補詞層的結構極為相似。而與Cheung (2013b)的研究不同的是,本論文分別對於補詞層以及屈折內域提出了分裂焦點假說(Split-FocusP Hypothesis),並且提出了焦點排列的順序應為:「就」字焦點 > 「只」字焦點 >「是」字焦點 > 「連」字焦點。可是,在單句結構的情況下,無論是Cheung或是本研究的說法,都無法解釋某些語料中的焦點排列順序。進一步的探討發現,雙句分析可以提供已知的語言事實更佳的詮釋方式,也進一步證實了雙句分析的優點。





This study intends to unpack the complexities of the bare shi cleft construction in Mandarin Chinese. Different from the traditional mono-clausal structure of Mandarin clefts in the literature, a bi-clausal alternative, on a par with Wang (2007), is proposed in this thesis. In this proposal, the focus particle shi is analyzed as a copula verb, taking an embedded CP as its complement. The pre-shi elements are considered to be base-generated topics or adjuncts in the matrix clause. On the other hand, in an attempt to get focused, the constituents undergo overt movement to the embedded [Spec, CP] to be PF-adjacent to shi; hence the derivation of the clefts. In this way, it is found that the current proposal of the bi-clausal account can better accommodate the variants of focalized constituents (i.e. subject focus, adjunct focus, VP-focus, and V-focus).
On this basis, the long-standing problem of the ungrammatical object focus in Mandarin is claimed to be caused by the non-constituency of the pre-shi elements. Even so, this issue can be tackled through the proposed bi-clausal analysis, and therefore the object can get focused. That is, the object-raising of focus is divided into two types: (TP-external) object-fronting and (TP-internal) object-preposing. Under the bi-clausal view, the presumed TP-internal object-preposing in the mono-clausal alternative is now unified as an instance of object-fronting since both involve the movement of the focalized object to the embedded [Spec, CP].
From another perspective, some focus-related issues are also dealt with in the current study. The fine structure of focus projections is mapped out within CP and the low TP area in the mono-clausal structure. As a whole, this finding is called Split-FocusP Hypothesis. In particular, it better accounts for the ordering structure of Mandarin focus particles (i.e. jiu, zhi, shi, lian(…dou)) in the mono-clause. However, with some problematic issues spotted, it is found that the bi-clausal analysis fares better in accommodating the split-up focus projections. Hence, it is hoped that the bi-clausal alternative sheds some light on the notoriously complicated issue of the bare shi clefts in Mandarin.





摘要…………………………………………………………………….....i
ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………..iii
DEDICATION.……………………………………………………………………................v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT……………………………...…………………………………….vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………………………………………….viii
LIST OF TABLES……………………………………………………………………………xii
ABBREVIATION…………………………………………………………………….……...xiv
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………...1
1.1 Aims and Scopes of the Study ………………………………………………....................1
1.2 Preliminaries of Bare Shi Cleft Construction……………………………………………..1
1.2.1 An Underlying Bi-clausal Structure………………………………………………1
1.2.2 Interaction of Shi with CP and Modality Types…………………………………..6
1.2.3 Split-focalization: A Bi-clausal Alternative.………………………………………8
1.3 Structure of the Thesis………………………………………………………………….10
CHAPTER TWO DATA AND REVIEW………………………………………………...12
2.1 Basic Data ……………………………………………………………………………..12
2.1.1 Bare Shi Cleft Construction ………………………………………………………13
2.1.2 Shi…de Cleft Construction ………………………………………….....................17
2.1.3 Interim Summary………………………………………………………………….19
2.2 Literature Review ………………………………………………………………….…..20
2.2.1 Teng (1979) ……………………………………………………………………….20
2.2.2 Huang (1981, 1982, 1988) ………………………………………………………..22
2.2.3 Hoh &; Chiang (1990) …………………………………………………………….26
2.2.4 Chiu (1993) ………………….……………………………………………………37
2.2.5 Shi (1994)…………………………….……………………………………………45
2.2.6 Shyu (1995, 2007, 2008, 2010) …………………………………….……………..54
2.2.7 Zhang (1997)……………………………………………………………………....66
2.2.8 Paris (1998) ……………………………………………………………………….72
2.2.9 Hedberg (1999) …………………………………………………………………...78
2.2.10 Simpson &; Wu (2002) …………………………………………………………..82
2.2.11 Cheng (2008) …………………………………………………………………….86
2.2.12 Cheung (2008, 2013a)....……………………………………………………...90
2.2.13 Paul &; Whitman (2008) ……………………………………………....................95
2.2.14 Yang &; Ku (2010) ……………………………………………………………...101
2.3 Chapter Summary…………………………………………………………………….105
CHAPTER THREE PROPOSAL AND ANALYSIS…………………………………...106
3.1 Toward an Analysis: A Bi-clausal Approach ………………………………………....106
3.1.1 Proposed Analysis of the Bare Shi Cleft ………………………………………...107
3.1.2 Multiple Negation Test in the Bare Shi Cleft Construction ……………………..122
3.2 Problems with Previous Studies ……………………………………………………...125
3.2.1 Modal Analysis (E.g. Huang 1988) ……………………..……………………….126
3.2.2 Focus Marker Analysis (E.g. Yang &; Ku 2010) ………………………………...133
3.2.2.1 Modal Test: Interaction with Shi……………………………………………...137
3.2.2.2 Dagai ‘probably’ Test…………………………………………………………151
3.2.2.3 CP Revisited: A View from Mood……………………………………………162
3.3 Chapter Summary……………..…………………………………………………...170
CHAPTER FOUR FOCUS AND OTHER RELATED ISSUES…………………….171
4.1 Properties of Shi: A Brief Summary………………………………………………171
4.1.1 Advantages of Bi-clausal Analysis in the Cleft Construction……………………179
4.2 A Novel Account for FOCUS: Split-FocusP Hypothesis…………...……….................181
4.2.1 Setting the Stage…………………….……………………………………………182
4.2.2 Overview of Lian…Dou Construction…………………………………………...185
4.2.3 FOCUS Revisited: From Left Periphery to Internal Periphery…………..............199
4.2.4 Spotlighting the focusing Strategy of Shi, Lian, Zhi and Jiu…………………….205
4.2.4.1 Conditionality on Jiu……………………………………………………...213
4.2.5 Proposal of Split-FocP Hypothesis………………………………………………232
4.2.6 Interim Summary………………………………………………………………...237
4.3 Some Notes on De……………………………………………………………………...238
4.3.1 The Puzzle of De-nominalization………………………………………………...246
4.3.2 Derivation of Focus: A DeP Analysis…………………………………………….254
4.3.3 Derivation of Focus: A CP Analysis……………………………………………...259
4.3.4 Interim Summary………………………………………………………………...270
4.4 Chapter Summary……………………………………………………………………...271
CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUDING REMARKS………………………….……………272
REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………..273
APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………………296
Appendix A: The Syntactic Role of Dagai: From the FA Perspective……………………296
Appendix B: The Semantic Role of Dagai: From the SpOA Perspective…………………..301
Appendix C: The Semantic Role of Dagai: From the Epistemic Adverb Perspective……...315
Appendix D: A Micro-level Account of Dagai in the Cleft Construction…………………..323
Appendix E: The Interaction of Dagai with Wh-phrases……………………………………334











LIST OF TABLES
Proposed taxonomy of (shi)…de and bare shi………………………………………………..61
The hierarchy of multiple-modal constructions……………………………………………..143
(Bare) shi in the cleft construction……………………………………………………….172-73
Shi as a Copula………………………………………………………………………………174
Copula shi versus cleft shi…………………………………………………………………..174
Shi as an FA………………………………………………………………………………….175
Shi as a modal / an INFL element…………………………………………………………...176
Shi as an FM/EM…………………………………………………………………………….177
Shi as a verb…………………………………………………………………………………178
Different accounts for Mandarin clefts………………………….…………………………..179
The distribution of shi and shi…de proper………………………………………………….180
Type of object-proposing……………………………………………………………………197
Research questions concerning FocP………………………………………………………..205
Shi versus lian…(dou)….……………………………………………………………………206
Zhi versus lian…(dou).………………………………………………………………………207
Jiu versus cai…….…………………………………………………………………………..216
Comparison between jiu, zhi, shi, and lian…(dou)………………………………………….219
Research questions concerning FocP (repeated)…………………………………………….232
Catergorial status of de………………………………………………………………………238
Different roles of de in the literature…………………………………………………….239-40
Grimshaw’s diagnostics for process/result nominals………………………………………..251
Derivation of [V O de] versus [V de O]……………………………………………………..268
The three classes of root complementizers………………………………………………….269
Different accounts for Mandarin clefts (repeated)……………….………………………….270
Properties of adverbial / adjuncts shared by sentence adverbs……………………………...298
Functional adverbs…………………………………………………………………………..302
Predicational adverbs………………………………………………………………………..302
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