臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

語音相似性(phonetic similarity)與變調規則(allophonic sandhi rules)被視為影響聲調改變(tone change)的兩大可能因素。此文以五十歲以上和三十歲以下的發音人為對象，探討海陸客語中的聲調改變現象，並根據語音相似性及聲調的變調規則比較了三組聲調組: 第一組聲調組為海陸客語中的三個平聲調(level tones)，其調值分別為55、33和11，這三個聲調擁有相似的聲調曲線形狀(pitch contour shape)。第二和第三組聲調組則比較了相互有著變調規則的聲調。第二組聲調組比較調值5及3的兩個入聲調(checked tones)；第三組聲調組比較調值為24的升調(rising tone)及調值為33的中平調(mid level tone)。海陸客語中有兩條變調規則，分別讓聲調5變調為聲調3，以及聲調24變調為聲調33，其變調規則與環境為:聲調/5/->[3]/_σ；聲調/24/->[33]/_ σ。本研究聘請了四位五十歲以上與四位三十歲以下，母語為海陸客語的發音人作口語產生研究，並請他們根據字表念出雙音節的詞彙。文中研究的聲調分別落在雙音節的第一或第二音節上。

研究結果指出，第一組擁有相以聲調曲線的聲調55、33以及11組，五十歲以上的發音人發出的聲調55、33和11無論在基頻(F0)或時長(duration)的測量上，皆兩兩達顯著差異。然而，三十歲以下的發音人發出的聲調55和33在時長上則十分相似了。

至於有變調關係的聲調組中，變調後的聲調/5/[3]和/3/[3]的比較指出，除了三十歲以下的發音人在基頻的測量上未達顯著外，無論發音人的年紀和所在的音節位置，聲調5和3在基頻和時長的測量上都達到顯著差異。

另一組有變調關係的聲調24和33的比較結果顯示，無論發音人的年紀差別，變調後的/24/[33]和/33/[33]在基頻和時長的測量上，皆未達顯著差異。而沒有變調之聲調24和33的比較則指出，僅三十歲以下的發音人，聲調24和33在時長上的差異未達顯著差異。

本研究認為變調後的聲調/5/[3]和/3/[3]在五十歲以上的發音人在基頻測量上仍保有差異，而這種差異在三十歲以下的發音人有融合的傾向。此外，聲調於基頻上的融合現象於另一組有變調關係的聲調24和33中更為明顯。無論發音人的年紀差別，變調後的/24/[33]和/33/[33]在基頻的測量上皆有融合傾向。再者，聲調融合的傾向亦和變調規則的方向相同:聲調/5/[3]向聲調/3/[3]融合，聲調/24/[33]向聲調/33/[33]融合。綜觀結果，此文章推論海陸客語中的聲調變調規則對於聲調改變有著一定的影響。

Phonetic similarity and allophonic sandhi rules were regarded as the possible triggers to tone changes. This paper investigated the tone changes in Hailu Hakka produced by speakers above 50 and under 30 years old. Level tones triplet 55-33-11 with similar pitch contours were examined, as well as sandhi related tone pairs, including 5-3 and 24-33. According to tone sandhi rules, tone /24/->[33]/_σ and tone /5/->[3]/_σ, sandhi tones surface at the initial position of disyllabic words/phrases. Four native Hailu Hakka speakers above 50-year-old and four speakers under 30-year-old produced disyllabic words with target tones produced at either the initial or the final positions of a disyllabic word/phrase.

Results showed that tones 55, 33 and 11 with phonetic similar F0 contours were produced with significantly different f0 and duration by speakers above 50 years old. However, speakers under 30 years produced tones 55 and 33 with similar duration.

Regarding sandhi related tones 3 and 5, beside f0 of sandhi tones 3 and 5 produced by speakers under 30 years old, both duration and f0 contours of tones 3 and 5 were significantly different from each other for both age groups.

Both age groups, produced indistinguishable duration and F0 contours between sandhi tones 24 and 33. In the position where no sandhi rules took place, duration of tones 24 and 33 produced by speakers under 30 years old were not significantly different from each other.

It is proposed that F0 of sandhi tones 3 and 5 produced by speakers under 30 years old were merged, but not in the production of speakers above 50 years old. Moreover, the tone merger phenomenon is even more prominent among F0 of sandhi tones 24 and 33 which were merged in the production of both age groups. Besides, the direction of tone merging was also corresponding to the sandhi rules in Hailu Hakka. Tone /5/[3] was merging to tone /3/[3] and tone /24/[33] was merging to tone /33/[33]. Allophonic sandhi rule is affecting Hailu Hakka tone change.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

中文摘要 …………………………………………………… i
ABSTRACT…………………………………………………… ii
誌謝 ……………………………………………………… iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ……………………………………… iv
LIST OF FIGURES ……………………………………… viii
LIST OF TABLES ……………………………………………ix

I. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………… 1
A. Hailu Hakka ……………………………………………… 1
1. Lexical tones ……………………………………………1
2. Sandhi rules …………………………………………… 3
a Checked tone sandhi rule …………………………… 3
b Unchecked tone sandhi rule ………………………… 4
B. Merging tones in Hailu Hakka …………………………4
C. Phonetically and allophonically motivated tone merge…5
1. Influence of phonetic similarity ………………… 6
2. Influence of allophonic rule ……………………… 7
3. The integrated influence of perceptual similarity and allophonic rules…8
D. Research questions …………………………………… 9
1. Hypothesis ……………………………………………… 9

II. METHODOLOGY ………………………………………………11
A. Subjects ………………………………………………… 11
B. Pretests ………………………………………………… 11
C. Corpus …………………………………………………… 12
1. Target tones and their syllable structures ……12
D. Instruments ………………………………………………13
E. Procedure …………………………………………………13
F. Data analysis ……………………………………………13

III. RESULTS ………………………………………………… 15
A. Level tone triplet: tones 55, 33 and 11 …………15
1. Duration …………………………………………………15
a First syllable …………………………………………15
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 16
2. F0 …………………………………………………………18
a First syllable …………………………………………18
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 22
3. Summary ………………………………………………… 25
B. Sandhi related checked tone pair: tones 5 and 3… 27
1. Duration ……………………………………………… 27
a First syllable …………………………………………27
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 28
2. F0 …………………………………………………………29
a First syllable …………………………………………29
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 32
3. Summary ………………………………………………… 33
C. Sandhi related unchecked tone pair: tones 24 and 33…35
1. Duration …………………………………………………35
a First syllable …………………………………………35
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 35
2. F0 …………………………………………………………37
a First syllable …………………………………………37
b Second syllable ……………………………………… 38
3. Summary ………………………………………………… 41

IV. DISCUSSIONS …………………………………………………44
A. Answers to the research questions ……………………44
1. Duration differences ……………………………………44
2. F0 differences ……………………………………………45
B. Future study ……………………………………………… 46

V. APPENDICES ……………………………………………………47

VI. REFERENCES ………………………………………………… 57

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