臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

本研究以中研院平衡語料庫的語料為本，從詞彙語意與構式之互動探討漢語他動動詞「投」在「動賓」格式中的格式語意。根據語料顯示，漢語他動動詞「投」所帶賓語的語意類型非常豐富，如拋、擲，投票，跳入，寄、遞，以及投奔、投靠等等。為探索「投」與其後所接之賓語在語法表現上所呈現之語意與語法的互動，本研究將「投」在「動賓」格式，設定成一個語意框架，再以此框架來研究「動賓」結構所隱含的語意，發現此賓語恆為受事者(Theme)或目的地(Goal)，進而提供了具有系統性、更可以展現該框架所隱含的語意，並且在語意、語法、構式、認知之互動關係上，呈現較適切的語意詮釋，在多個語意面向之中提出一套有系統性的框架語意分類及語意連結分析。
本研究提出以漢語他動動詞「投」的核心語意為原型(prototype)，輔以不同的語意側重(semantic profile)，搭配框架語意與構式語法，可呈現出不同的語意內涵。雖然漢語他動動詞「投」的「動賓」結構不需要改變語意框架便可在不同賓語之間的語法類型加以詮釋，但仍會有岐義(ambiguity)的現象產生。此時，可利用Pustejovsky (1995) 所提出的Qualia Structure測試賓語的語意屬性，在同樣類型的賓語卻有不同的解讀時，提出較合理的語意詮釋。
最後，本研究深入探討「投」與漢語他動動詞的互動關係，在過去的研究中，發現了對漢語他動動詞「投」在「動賓」結構的詞彙化(lexicalization)並未多加著墨。有鑒於此，本研究更特別提出詞彙化的演變過程，並著眼於語意角色與語法位置的互動，呈現語意與語法的配搭關係。

This thesis aims to investigate the Frame Semantics (Fillmore and Atkins 1992) of caused-motion verb TÓU in the [TÓU +NP] combination. Furthermore, it follows Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, 2010) to explore the constructional interpretation of the [TÓU+NP] combination. Since the [TÓU+NP] combination bears various uses in the semantic domain, according to Jackendoff (1997), a constructional approach seems more economic than a lexical rule approach. Under this view, this thesis adopts frame-oriented verbal predicate, and we can figure out that only the Theme or the Goal can immediately follow TÓU. Accordingly, the analysis provided in this study is Corpus-based lexical constructional analysis, which argues that though the verb TÓU is a polysemous word which bears other multiple related senses, with different profiling of designated nominal arguments, the multi-faceted uses of TÓU will be emphasized.
Though there are quite a few merits in Frame Semantics and Construction Grammar, we may not identify an ambiguous [TÓU+NP] construction in a context easily. In view of this, this study adopts Qualia Structure which can distinguish the ambiguity undertaken in the [TÓU+NP] combinations. Furthermore, given that the lexicalization of [TÓU+NP] combination is not fully discussed in previous studies, it is worth pointing out here that this study also explores the process of how the lexicalization of [TÓU+NP] combination produces, and focuses on not merely the interaction between semantics and syntax, but also the interaction between cognition and language use.

Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 The Background 1
1.2 The Issue: Multiple Meanings of TÓU 1
1.3 The Issue: Semantic Roles 6
1.4 Scope and Goal 8
1.5 Organization of the Thesis 9

Chapter 2 Literature Review 10
2.1 Talmy (2000): The participant roles of caused-motion event 10
2.2 English and Chinese caused-motion construction 12
2.3 Levin (1993): English Verbs of Throwing 14
2.4 Liu (2002): QIǍNG 搶+NP 16
2.5 Liu (2005): GǍN 趕+NP 18
2.6 Liu (2006): Dative Construction in Chinese 20
2.7 Liu (2000): Chinese Verbs of Throwing 24
2.8 Summary 25

Chapter 3 Database, Theoretical Framework and Methodology 27
3.1 Database 27
3.2 Theoretical Framework 27
3.2.1 Frame Semantics 27
3.2.2 FrameNet 30
3.2.3 Construction Grammar 31
3.2.4 The Prototype Category Theory 33
3.2.5 Non-prototypical Extended Meaning -- Metaphor 35
3.2.5.1 Conventional metaphors 35
3.2.5.2 Novel Metaphors 37
3.2.6 Non-prototypical Extended Meaning -- Metonymy 39
3.2.7 Qualia Structure 42
3.3 Methodology 44
Chapter 4 Findings 47
4.1 Preliminary Observations of TÓU 47
4.2 The prototype of TÓU: TÓU as a Caused-Motion Verb 49
4.2.1 The basic patterns 49
4.2.2 The core participant roles 52
4.3 The Subtype of TÓU: TÓU with Metaphorical Extended Senses 55
4.3.1 The basic patterns 55
4.3.2 The participant roles 58
4.4 The Lexicalization of [TÓU+NP] in the Corpus 61
4.4.1 Theme-Incorporated Lexicalization 62
4.4.2 Goal-Incorporated Lexicalization 63
4.5 Dative Alternation 64
4.6 Summary 67

Chapter 5 Analysis 68
5.1 Semantic Profile of Caused-motion Domain of TÓU 68
5.2 Schematic Properties and Metaphorical Extensions 69
5.2.1 Semantic Profile about Spatial Motion of TÓU 70
5.2.1.1 Prototypical Event Schema of [TÓU+NP] 70
5.2.1.2 Prototypical Event Schema of [TÓU+NP]+VP 71
5.2.1.3 Prototypical Event Schema of BA-Alternation 73
5.2.2 Metaphorical Extension: From Spatial to Non-Spatial Domains 74
5.2.2.1 [TÓU+NP-Theme] in Non Spatial Motion Domains 74
5.2.2.2 [TÓU+NP-Goal] in Non Spatial Motion Domains 77
5.3 Qualia Structure and Constructional Interpretations 80
5.4 Interrelationships of the Different Semantic types of TÓU 82
5.5 Conceptual Schema of Caused Motion 84
5.5.1 The Hierarchical Structure of the Caused Motion Frame 86
5.5.1.1 Layer1: Caused-motion ArchiFrame 88
5.5.1.2 Layer2: Ballistic Movement Primary Frame 90
5.5.1.3 Layer3: Basic Frame 93
5.5.1.3.1 Endpoint-specified Basic Frame 94
5.5.1.3.2 Endpoint-unspecified Basic Frame 94
5.6 Summary 95


Chapter 6 Conclusion 99
6.1 Conclusion 99
6.2 Further Research 100

References 101

Website Resources 105

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