臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

Taiwan has undergone a number of crucial changes in the past two decades. The
island nation has witnessed a shift from the first direct presidential election to the first
female President and an evolution from one-party authoritarian-like regime to a vivid
multi-party democracy. However, apart from these superficial transformations, there
was an even bigger metamorphose unraveling under the surface. Taiwanese have,
together with and supported by their newly secured interior freedom and democratic
values, began opting for a revised and reformulated identity. Identity in historical,
ethnic and sociopolitical realms. A process of enhanced Taiwanese consciousness and
a sense of belonging to Taiwan, which came in the vacant space where previously
governmentally imposed Chinese identity failed to settle, could be simplistically
abridged under a conceptual term “Taiwanization”. Taiwanization has managed to
prosper and thrive due to the development of democratic party competition on the
island. The growing trend can be indisputably spotted in elections results and
self-identification surveys, among other ways of manifestation. However,
Taiwanization has brought up just as many questions as it answers. In some ways,
instead of solving the existing puzzle of Taiwan’s ambiguous status, it generates a
new one. Taiwan is facing a dilemma, but it is not the usual Unification vs.
Independence kind of dichotomy. It neither emphasizes the already traditional
Pan-Pan competition circle struggle, nor does it serve as an advertisement, promoting
the preservation of status quo. Instead, the quandary is caused by the same concept
attempting to solve country’s previous plights. With the will of people displayed in
elections of previous years, the distinct Taiwanese identity rise and with the majority
in government , the Pan-Green camp has a new, wide variety of options. Nevertheless,
the sole fact that this time around, Green’s can not be stopped by the KMT in
implementing their pro-independent strategies does not necessarily mean that de facto
independence of the island answers all the questions.
Can Taiwan take unilateral steps to secure its de facto independence and transfer it
into de jure realm while abiding by International Law? Could participation in
Intergovernmental organizations help Taiwan with extending its living space? Or
would it be, if all independence-promoting actions fail, reasonable to abandon the
idea all together and instead focus on systematic and fluent integration with China? Is
there an integration model that can help achieve peace across Strait and what are the
(im)possibilities of such a model being implemented in Cross-Strait affairs? Is
constitutional change possible and if so, what are the prerequisites? And how can
Taiwan break away from the current gridlock of status quo? These are the exact
questions this thesis aims to answer.

Taiwan has undergone a number of crucial changes in the past two decades. The
island nation has witnessed a shift from the first direct presidential election to the first
female President and an evolution from one-party authoritarian-like regime to a vivid
multi-party democracy. However, apart from these superficial transformations, there
was an even bigger metamorphose unraveling under the surface. Taiwanese have,
together with and supported by their newly secured interior freedom and democratic
values, began opting for a revised and reformulated identity. Identity in historical,
ethnic and sociopolitical realms. A process of enhanced Taiwanese consciousness and
a sense of belonging to Taiwan, which came in the vacant space where previously
governmentally imposed Chinese identity failed to settle, could be simplistically
abridged under a conceptual term “Taiwanization”. Taiwanization has managed to
prosper and thrive due to the development of democratic party competition on the
island. The growing trend can be indisputably spotted in elections results and
self-identification surveys, among other ways of manifestation. However,
Taiwanization has brought up just as many questions as it answers. In some ways,
instead of solving the existing puzzle of Taiwan’s ambiguous status, it generates a
new one. Taiwan is facing a dilemma, but it is not the usual Unification vs.
Independence kind of dichotomy. It neither emphasizes the already traditional
Pan-Pan competition circle struggle, nor does it serve as an advertisement, promoting
the preservation of status quo. Instead, the quandary is caused by the same concept
attempting to solve country’s previous plights. With the will of people displayed in
elections of previous years, the distinct Taiwanese identity rise and with the majority
in government , the Pan-Green camp has a new, wide variety of options. Nevertheless,
the sole fact that this time around, Green’s can not be stopped by the KMT in
implementing their pro-independent strategies does not necessarily mean that de facto
independence of the island answers all the questions.
Can Taiwan take unilateral steps to secure its de facto independence and transfer it
into de jure realm while abiding by International Law? Could participation in
Intergovernmental organizations help Taiwan with extending its living space? Or
would it be, if all independence-promoting actions fail, reasonable to abandon the
idea all together and instead focus on systematic and fluent integration with China? Is
there an integration model that can help achieve peace across Strait and what are the
(im)possibilities of such a model being implemented in Cross-Strait affairs? Is
constitutional change possible and if so, what are the prerequisites? And how can
Taiwan break away from the current gridlock of status quo? These are the exact
questions this thesis aims to answer.

Abstract..........................................................................................................................ii
Acknowledgment..........................................................................................................iii
Table of contents........................................................................................................iv
Chapter One: Causes and symptoms of Taiwan’s ambiguous status.............................1
1.1. Introduction.....................................................................................................1
1.2. Literature review and research background..............................................4
1.3. Research questions:........................................................................................16
1.4. Chapter division.............................................................................................17
Chapter Two: The 2016 Presidential Election = Taiwan Renaissance?...................... 20
2.1. Election background and other factors............................................... 20
2.2. Election interpretation : Taiwan Renaissance?...........................................24
2.3. Contextual misconceptions as the cause of Taiwan’s ambiguous status....... 35
2.4. Final remarks and hypothesis........................................................................ 41
Chapter Three: International law applicable to the peaceful resolution of Cross-Strait
conflict......................................................................................................................... 49
3.1. Taiwan and the right to self-determination....................................................49
3.2. Dilemmas of International Law..................................................................... 54
3.3. Taiwan : Independence without formal secession......................................... 66
3.4. Final remarks................................................................................................. 69
Chapter Four : Taiwan’s participation in international organizations in relation to
Cross-Strait affairs....................................................................................................... 78
4.1. Intergovernmental organizations................................................................... 78
4.2. Overview of Taiwan’s international participation......................................... 79
4.3. UN Membership Bid and participation in other IGOs...................................82
4.4. Meaningful participation................................................................................87
4.5. Flexible approach to international participation - a solution or an impasse? 90
4.6. Final remarks................................................................................................. 92
Chapter Five : Economic integration as a key to Cross-Strait Peace? The pros and
cons of European and other models...........................................................................100
5.1. Spillover in Cross-Strait?.............................................................................100
5.2. One Belt, One Road.....................................................................................101
5.3. Regional Integration.................................................................................... 105
5.4. EU model - a valuable lesson or a cautionary tale?.....................................107
5.5. Cross-Strait relationship in European context............................................. 109
5.6. Trans-Pacific Partnership.............................................................................114
5.6.1. Economic implications...................................................................... 115
5.6.2. Political implications......................................................................... 116
5.7. Final remarks.............................................................................................. 117
Chapter Six: Conclusion............................................................................................ 120
6.1. Status quo.....................................................................................................122
6.2. Taiwan Consensus....................................................................................... 125
6.3. Constitutional reform...................................................................................130
6.3.1. Republic of Taiwan ?.........................................................................133
Works cited:...............................................................................................................141

Atkinson, J. (2014). Aid in Taiwan's foreign policy: Putting Ma Ying-jeou's aid
reforms in historical perspective. The Pacific Review, 27(3), 409-431.
Bookman, M. Z. (2010). The economics of secession. New York: St. Martin's Press.
Cabestan, J., & Pavkovic, A. (2013). Secessionism and separatism in Europe and
Asia: to have a state of one's own. New York: Routledge.
Chang, G. C. (2015, March/April). Yesterday's people : Taiwan Votes Against
Beijing. World Affairs, 39-46.
Chang, P. H., & Yang, M. H. (1997). Taiwan's expanding role in the international
arena.
Chao, V. Y. (2010). So-Called ‘1992 Consensus’ A Fabrication: Lee. Taipei Times,
December 28, 2010.
Charney, J. I., & Prescott, J. R. V.. (2000). Resolving Cross-Strait Relations between
China and Taiwan. The American Journal of International Law, 94(3), 453–477.
Retrieved 25 February 2016, from <http://doi.org/10.2307/2555319>
Chen, K. (2010). Asia as method: Toward deimperialization. Durham: Duke
University Press.
Chen, R. (2013). Taiwan's identity in formation: In reaction to a democratizing
Taiwan and a rising China. Asian Ethnicity, 14(2), 229-250.
Chen, R. (2014). Reconstructed nationalism in Taiwan: A politicised and
economically driven identity. Nations and Nationalism Nations Natl, 20(3), 523-545.
China’s power: Searching for stable domestic foundations. (2013). In Austin G.,
Zhang Y., & Austin G. (Eds.), Power and Responsibility in Chinese Foreign Policy
(pp. 69-104). ANU Press. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt5vj73b.9
Chow, P. C. (2014). The US strategic pivot to Asia and cross-strait relations:
Economic and security dynamics. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Chow, P. C. (2016). Taiwan in International Economic Relations. Orbis,60(4),
531-549. doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2016.09.001
Clark, C. (2003). Does European Integration Provide a Model for Moderating
Cross-Strait Relations? Asian Affairs: An American Review,29(4), 195-215.
doi:10.1080/00927670309601506
142
Closa, C., Casini, L., Closa, C., Casini, L., & Sender, O. (n.d.). Preface. Comparative
Regional Integration, Xxi-Xxviii. doi:10.1017/cbo9781316442777.002
Costa, J. (2003). On theories of secession: minorities, majorities and the
multinational state. Critical Review of International Social and Political
Philosophy,6(2), 63-90. doi:10.1080/13698230510001702763
Crawford, James (2006), The Creation of States in International Law, Second edition,
Oxford, Clarendon Press.
Davidson, L. E. (2015). Linked Without Linking: The Role of Mainland China’s
Taiwanese Students in Cross-Strait Unification. ANE ASIANetwork Exchange: A
Journal for Asian Studies in the Liberal Arts, 22(2), 2-19.
Delisle, J. (2016). Taiwan's Quest for International Space: Ma's Legacy, Tsai's
Options, China's Choices, and U.S. Policy. Orbis,60(4), 550-574.
doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2016.08.007
Ding, Y. (2012). Cross-Strait Peace Agreement: Diminishing Likelihood. Asian
Affairs: An American Review,39(1), 1-20. doi:10.1080/00927678.2012.649633
Eskildsen, R. (2005). Taiwan: A Periphery in Search of a Narrative. The Journal of
Asian Studies, 64(2), 281-294. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/25075751
Friedman, Edward. (2005). China’s Rise, Taiwan’s Dilemmas and International
Peace. Taylor & Francis. Retrieved 25 February 2016, from
<http://www.myilibrary.com?ID=37408>
Gladney, D. C. (2003). China's minorities: the case of Xinjiang and the Uyghur
people: paper. Geneva: UN.
Glaser, B. S. (2013). Taiwan's quest for greater participation in the international
community. Washington, D.C.: CSIS Center for Strategic & International Studies.
Green, J.K. (2016) Rising Powers and Regional Orders: China's Strategy and
Cross-Strait Relations. Globalizations 13:2, pages 129-142.
Goldstein, S. M. (2015). China and Taiwan. Wiley.
Gungwu, W. (2007). The Rise of China: History as Policy. In Huisken R. & Thatcher
M. (Eds.), History as Policy: Framing the debate on the future of Australia's defence
policy (pp. 61-66). ANU Press. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt24hbvw.10
Hale, H. (2016). How nationalism and machine politics mix in Russia. In Kolstø P. &
Blakkisrud H. (Eds.), The New Russian Nationalism: Imperialism, Ethnicity and
Authoritarianism 2000–2015 (pp. 221-248). Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt1bh2kk5.15
143
Harris, S. (2013). China’s diplomacy in North and Northeast Asia: Norms and
practice. In Zhang Y. & Austin G. (Eds.), Power and Responsibility in Chinese
Foreign Policy (pp. 167-195). ANU Press. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt5vj73b.12
He, B. (2013),’Power responsibility and sovereignty:China’s policy towards
Taiwan’s bid for UN seat’ in G. Austin and Y. Zhang (eds), Power and Responsibility
in Chinese Foreign Policy, ANU Press
Hickey, D. V. (1994, July 1). Reaching Across the Taiwan Strait: People-to-People
Diplomacy. Journal of Asian and African Studies.
Hickey, D. V. (2007). Continuity or Change: US Policy & Taiwan. Journal of
Chinese Political Science, 12(2), 105-124. doi:10.1007/s11366-007-9009-z
Hickey, D. V. (2007). Foreign Policy Making in Taiwan: From Principles to
Pragmatism, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge
Hickey, D. V. (2012). Wake Up to Reality: Taiwan, the Chinese Mainland and Peace
Across the Taiwan Strait. Journal of Chinese Political Science J OF CHIN POLIT
SCI, 18(1), 1-20.
Hickson, C. E. (2003). Taiwan In International Organizations: Internationalization
of the Taiwan-China Relationship. 1-8. Retrieved from
https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/44789/2003_05_Taiwan_in_International_Organization
s.pdf.
Ho, M. (2015). Occupy Congress in Taiwan: Political Opportunity, Threat, and the
Sunflower Movement. Journal of East Asian Studies,15(01), 69-97.
doi:10.1017/s1598240800004173
Hsueh, C. (2016). Taiwan’s Perspective on China’s “One Belt, One Road” Strategy.
Journal Of Contemporary East Asia StudiesVol. 5 , Iss. 2,2016
Hu, W. (2013). New dynamics in cross-Taiwan Straits relations: How far can the
rapprochement go? New York: Routledge.
Johnston, A. I., & Ross, R. S. (1999). Engaging China: The management of an
emerging power. London: Routledge.
Kemenade, W. V. (2001). Taiwan: Domestic gridlock, cross‐strait deadlock. The
Washington Quarterly,24(4), 55-70. doi:10.1162/016366001317149183
Lee, W. (2014). The mutual non-denial principle, China's interests, and Taiwan's
expansion of international participation. Retrieved 2 June 2016, from
<http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1219&contex
t=mscas>
Li C.P. (2006). Taiwan's participation in inter-governmental organizations: An
overview of its initiatives, Asian Survey, 46, 4: 597-614.
144
Li, C. (2014). New Leaders with Old Lenses? China’s Conflict Frames Toward
Taiwan, 2003–2013. Journal of Chinese Political Science J OF CHIN POLIT SCI,
20(1), 67-85.
Lin C.L. (2008). The Importance of China and Identity Politics in Taiwan’s
Diplomacy, in: Tsang, Steve (Ed.), Taiwan and the international Community, Oxford;
Bern; Berlin et al.: 51-71.
Lindemann, B. A. (2014). Cross-strait relations and international organizations:
Taiwan's participation in IGOs in the context of its relationship with China.
Wiesbaden: Springer VS.
Luo, C. (2011). Modelling the Diversity of EU Members Paths to European
Integration and Policy Implications for Taiwan–China Relations. Journal of
Contemporary European Studies,19(2), 273-291. doi:10.1080/14782804.2011.580916
Radan, P. (2008), ‘Secession: A Word in Search of a Meaning’ in A. Pavkovic and P.
Radan (eds), On the Way to Statehood, Secession and Globalisation, Aldershot,
Ashgate Piblishing Ltd.
Rigger, S. (2011). Why Taiwan matters: Small island, global powerhouse. Lanham:
Rowman & Littlefield.
Roy, D.(2003), Taiwan: a political history, Ithaca; London
Schweller, Randall L. (1997), New Realist Research on Alliances: Refining, Not
Refuting Waltz’s Balancing Proposition, American Political Science Review, 91, 4:
927-930.
Sehnálková, J., & Kučera, O. (2012). Taiwan's Participation in International
Organizations: Obstacles, Strategies, Patterns? European Perspectives on Taiwan,
147-169. doi:10.1007/978-3-531-94303-9_8
Tok, S. K. (2013). Managing China's sovereignty in Hong Kong and Taiwan. London:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Tsang, S. Y. (2012). The vitality of Taiwan: Politics, economics, society and culture.
London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Tucker, N. B., & Glaser, B. (2011). Should the United States Abandon Taiwan? The
Washington Quarterly,34(4), 23-37. doi:10.1080/0163660x.2011.609128
UN General Assembly, “Resolution 2758 (XXIV),” October 25, 1971
United Nations General Assembly, “Request for the Inclusion of a Supplementary
Item in the Agenda of the Sixty-third Session: Need to Examine the Fundamental
Rights of the 23 Million People of the Republic of China (Taiwan) to Participate
145
Meaningfully in the Activities of the United Nations Specialized Agencies, A/63/194,”
August 22, 2008
Waldron, A. (2016). Legacy Problems: China's Taiwan Dilemma. Orbis,60(4),
609-631. doi:10.1016/j.orbis.2016.08.010
Wang, Y. , 2010-02-17 "Taiwan's Response to Rising China: Evaluating Grand
Strategic Choices" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Theory vs. Policy?
Connecting Scholars and Practitioners, New Orleans Hilton Riverside Hotel, The
Loews New Orleans Hotel, New Orleans, LA Online. 2014-11-28
fromhttp://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p415378_index.html
Weber, M. (1964). The theory of social and economic organization. New York: Free
Press.
Wei, G. (2010). Cross-Taiwan Strait relations in a global context. London:
Routledge.
Weng, B. S.J. (1990). Divided China and the Question of Membership in
International Economic Organizations, in: Chu Yun-han (Ed.), The Role of Taiwan
in International Economic Organizations, Taipei: 27-61.
Winkler, S. (2012). Taiwan’s UN Dilemma: To Be or Not To Be . Brookings.
Retrieved from
https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/taiwans-un-dilemma-to-be-or-not-to-be/.
Wood, J. R. (1981), ‘Secession: A comparative Analytical Framework’ Canadian
Journal of Political Science, 14:109-135
Wu, Y. (2005). Taiwan's Domestic Politics and Cross-Strait Relations. The China
Journal, (53), 35-60. doi:10.2307/20065991
Yu, H. (2016). Motivation behind China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ Initiatives and
Establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. Journal of Contemporary
China,26(105), 353-368. doi:10.1080/10670564.2016.1245894
Yang, L., & Riemenschnitter, A. (2016). The sunflower movement: framing
grievances in Taiwanese youth activism. Zcrich.
Zhang, B. (2011). Taiwan's New Grand Strategy. Journal of Contemporary China,
20(69), 269-285. doi:10.1080/10670564.2011.541633