臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

本論文共分為兩部份。第一部份為漢語相互平比句式(reciprocal equative constructions)的語意分析，主要談論漢語相互平比詞「一樣」的語意及相互平比句式的語意構成(semantic compositions)。本論文根據Schwarz (2007)針對德語相互平比句式的語意分析，主張如「一樣」一類的平比詞應被分析為
<<d, <e, t>>, <e, t>>類型的函式，並選取可分級的形容詞(gradable adjectives)作為其自變項(argument)。另外依據Schwarz (2007)的論點，本論文主張於邏輯形式(LF)上，作為平比詞的「一樣」可涵蓋不同規模的範域(scope)，此論述可透過如「一樣」和數量形容詞(amount adjectives)進行語意構成時產生的類型誤合(type mismatch)等現象論證其必要性及合理性。

第二部份為關於情態動詞(modal verbs)介入到相互平比句式時與平比詞「一樣」進行範域互動(scope interaction)之議題。有別於Schwarz (2007)於德語相互平比句式中觀察及分析平比詞與情態動詞因範域互動造成之語意歧義(semantic ambiguity)，在漢語相互平比句式裡因範域互動造成之語意差別，必須以具有對比之句法結構表現之。就句法層面，本論文採用Zhang (2010)提出的論點，認為在漢語相互平比句式中因情態動詞介入造成連接結構的分裂(split of coordinate complexes)導因於有條件違反CCe原則；就語意層面而言，表示「最低標準解讀」(minimal interpretation)語意的漢語相互平比句根本上仍與德語不同，其關鍵在於兩者比較基準(standard of comparison)的差異。綜合兩方面的差異使Schwarz (2007)的語意分析應用於漢語相互平比句式將產生不足之處，顯示漢語相互平比句式的範域互動議題或涉及句法語意介面(syntax-semantics interface)層次之分析考量。

This thesis concerns reciprocal equative constructions (RECs) in Mandarin Chinese. The discussion consists of two parts. In the first part of the thesis, I present my analyses for the semantics of the RECs in Mandarin Chinese. The discussion covers the semantics of the reciprocal equative morpheme yiyang ‘equally’ and the semantic compositions of RECs. I mainly adopt Schwarz (2007)’s analysis for German RECs that the equative morpheme like yiyang is a function of type
<<d, <e, t>>, <e, t>>, which takes a gradable predicate (type <d, <e, t>>) as its argument, and the equative morpheme may be compositionally contrastive at LF; that is, the morpheme yiyang can take different scopes at LF. This assumption may be confirmed by several ways such as the type mismatch when equative morphemes composing with amount adjectives at LF.

The second part concerns the scopal interaction between the equative morpheme yiyang and the modal verbs in RECs. Unlike the semantic ambiguity of RECs with the intervention of modal verbs in German given by Schwarz (2007), different interpretation has to be syntactically expressed by contrastive sentences in Mandarin Chinese. Based on Zhang (2010), I propose that the split of coordinate complexes in Mandarin RECs with modal verbs is the conditional violation of CCe (i.e. Conjunct Constraint with regard to external conjuncts) principle. From a semantic view, the split structure of coordinate complexes in RECs is still distinct from German since the standard of comparison is essentially not the same. The contrast between German and Mandarin shows the insufficiency of Schwarz (2007)’s analysis since the given semantic prediction cannot be applied to Mandarin case. A more exhaustive schema for describing the scope interaction in RECs should then be reconsidered.

CHAPTER 1 Introduction 1
CHAPTER 2 Theoretical Assumptions 5
2.1 The Syntax of DegP and RECs 5
2.2 The Semantics of Degree Structures 7
2.2.1 The Concept of Degrees 7
2.2.2 Gradable Predicates 8
2.3 The Theory of Plurality and the Semantics of Plural Individual Arguments 11
2.3.1 Two Plural Readings: Collective versus Distributive 11
2.3.2 The Semantics of Plural Predicates 12
2.3.3 A Quick Review on Covers 15
CHAPTER 3 The Semantics of Reciprocal Equative Constructions in Mandarin Chinese
17
3.1 Schwarz (2007)’s Analysis for German gleich 17
3.1.1 Preliminaries 18
3.1.2 Semantics for German Reciprocal Equatives 19
3.1.3 Adnominal Reciprocal Degree Operators: Two Accounts 21
3.1.4 The Need for Having Two Accounts 24
3.2 The Semantic Denotations of the Lexical Entries in RECs 26
3.2.1 Gradable Adjectives and Degree Morphemes 26
3.2.2 Plural Predicates 28
3.2.2.1 Plurality of Individual Arguments in RECs 28
3.2.2.2 The Denotation of Plural Predicates 31
3.2.3 The Degree Morpheme Yiyang 32
3.2.3.1 Is yiyang equal to the same? 32
3.2.3.2 The Denotation of Yiyang 35
3.3 Predicative RECs 37
3.4 Adnominal RECs 38
3.4.1 Yiyang with Gradable Adjectives 39
3.4.2 Some Further Discussion 45
3.4.3 Yiyang with Amount Gradable Adjectives 47
3.5 The Adjective Yiyang 52
CHAPTER 4 Scope Interaction in Reciprocal Equative Constructions 55
4.1 The Syntax of RECs with Modal Verbs 56
4.1.1 Violation of CSC and Categorial Features of Coordinators 56
4.1.2 CCe and the Split of Coordinate Complexes 60
4.2 Scope Ambiguity in German RECs 65
4.3 Insufficiency of Schwarz’s Analysis in Mandarin 67
CHAPTER 5 Conclusion 76
5.1 Summary 76
5.2 The Contribution 79
REFERENCE 80

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