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研究生:簡宏逸
研究生(外文):Chien, Hung-yi
論文名稱:巧遇的接力:歐洲與東亞間的民族誌知識收集、整理、再相遇
論文名稱(外文):Unintended Relay: A History of Collecting, Organizing, and Reencountering Ethnographical Knowledge between Europe and East Asia
指導教授:賀安娟賀安娟引用關係
指導教授(外文):Heylen, Ann
學位類別:博士
校院名稱:國立臺灣師範大學
系所名稱:台灣語文學系
學門:人文學門
學類:台灣語文學類
論文種類:學術論文
論文出版年:2017
畢業學年度:105
語文別:中文
論文頁數:272
中文關鍵詞:民族誌學史知識史知識收集文化相遇知識網絡在地知識
外文關鍵詞:history of ethnographyhistory of knowledgeknowledge collectioncultural encounterknowledge networklocal knowledge
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現代民族誌學(ethnography)的前身,可以追溯到十八世紀中葉的「族群描述」(Völker-Beschreibung),這是德意志學者G. F. Müller在西伯利亞進行田野調查時所發展,用來描述人類文化的方法論。此一方法論的原型,可以再往前追溯到十六、十七世紀流行的「旅行的技巧」(ars apodemica)。歐洲旅行者在這些方法的指導下,收集了許多有關東亞族群、歷史、地理、文化的知識。若將知識收集視為一個貫穿時代的現象,會發現不同時代的行動者以不同的目標和方法進行知識收集,其中並未有特別的計畫。這樣的特性使這個橫跨四世紀的知識收集,看起來就像一場「巧遇的接力」。我將歐洲與東亞間的知識收集、整理、再相遇分為三個部分討論。在收集與驗證的十六與十七世紀,西歐與東亞建立了直接的連結,知識也開始在此連結上流動。在這一部分我檢視了《臺灣府志》中所流傳的「暗洋暗澳傳說」,發現它與1596年到1597年間荷蘭航海家Willem Barents的第三次北極探險遇難過程相對應。我也透過東北航路的情報在日本流傳的情況,側寫當時歐洲人深信的東北航路及「Anian海峽」等地理知識流傳到亞洲的情境,以重建「暗洋暗澳傳說」被記錄時的情境。到了1643年,荷蘭人在亞洲站穩腳步,下一步他們就開始規劃探索東北亞大國Cathay與太平洋上金銀島的探險。這次依循過時資訊規畫的航海,雖然從一開始就註定失敗,卻因為組員克盡觀察情報的職責,本次航海帶回北海道、庫頁島、千島群島一帶的地理與民族誌情報,無意中成為記錄十七世紀中葉的阿伊努社會的重要見證。十七世紀中葉以後,從東亞已經有大量情報傳回歐洲,在歐洲的學者開始對這些情報進行整理與批判。Nicolaas Witsen與François Valentyn兩人都是運用荷蘭東印度公司的知識網絡為自己的作品收集資料的編輯者,分析他們對手上情報所做的改動,可以揭露這兩位編輯者所追求的目標。Witsen關心的是他的Tartaria地圖,用各種資料為其地圖佐證。Valentyn則在編輯中豪放地帶入個人意見,不只大幅縮節改寫C. E. S.和Candidius的原始史料,並在他所投入的宗教領域加入帶有個人偏見的批評,但也缺乏對情報的批判考證。不重視考證的知識收集,在十八世紀初George Psalmanazar假扮福爾摩沙人的騙局中受到了強烈的挑戰,使歐洲知識界必須重新反省既有的知識收集模式。在十八世紀興起的學術遠征(scientific expedition)則挽救了知識的危機,並從中發展出研究全人類文化的框架。到了十九世紀,歐洲的民族誌學再次與東亞的地方知識再次相遇。但是再相遇並不一定是學術的進步。我以德意志傳教士歐德理所提出的客家民族誌、客家族群史,以及十九世紀末臺灣研究中產生的「客家先來論」,說明新的迷思如何在西方知識與在地知識的再相遇中產生。綜觀來看,從十六世紀到十九世紀的民族誌學歷史似乎充滿了失敗,但是知識行動者之間的接力,卻也讓民族誌學知識往正面方向改變。我們必須認識到這場「巧遇的接力」,才能公平地去評價當代的知識體系,知道自己是怎麼形成。
Modern ethnography may find its direct root in Völker-Beschreibung, a universal framework used to describe human culture. Völker-Beschreibung can also trace its prototype to ars apodemica, which is a popular set of instructions telling travelers how and what to observe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These methodologies guided European travelers to collect abundant knowledge of ethnography, history, and geography when travelling abroad. However, knowledge collection was like an unintended relay, in which knowledge collectors pursued various objectives and lacked any coordinated plans. Focusing on the cultural encounters between Europe and East Asia, this study treats knowledge collection between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries as a longitudinal phenomenon: a relay across four centuries. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are characterized by collection and verification of knowledge. I examine the story of Anian, recorded in Taiwan, and find its origin in Dutch navigator Willem Barents’s third polar exploration. The myth of the Anian Strait, the polar detour to access Asia, was also related to the geographical knowledge of northeast Asia, where the country of Cathay was believed to be situated. In 1643, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) sent ships to explore Cathay and the gold- and silver-rich islands in the Pacific Ocean. Based on outdated information, the exploration failed in the beginning. However, the crew’s careful observation of the Ainu in today’s Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and Kuril Islands unintentionally provided a faithful witness to the Ainu culture in the mid-seventeenth century. European scholars began to organize foreign knowledge when it reached a significant amount. Witsen and Valentyn are famous organizers of the information collected by VOC. An examination of their works reveals their distinct editorial styles. Witsen is a bad organizer, but he is faithful to his material. Valentyn is a better organizer, but he distorts material to deliver his chauvinistic opinion. Despite of their distinct styles, both preferred to collect abundant information, but lacked interest in criticism and verification. This attitude prevailed in their time but was strongly challenged by George Psalmanazar, a pretended Formosan who created a false ethnography of Formosa. The Psalmanazar hoax forced European scholars to find a reliable model of knowledge collection. Scientific expedition since the mid-eighteenth century was the solution. It not only averted the crisis of reliability but also nurtured Völker-Beschreibung in Siberia in the mid-eighteenth century, and it was further developed into ethnography in the following decades. The re-encounter of Europe and East Asia took place in the nineteenth century, but it did not warrant scientific advancement. I examine German missionary Eitel’s Hakka ethnography, and the strange theories of Hakka immigration to Taiwan to address the creation of new myths in the re-encounters. The cases examined in my study seem to be a chain of failures. However, I also argue that it is the relay that results in the advancement of knowledge. We can only understand what forms our contemporary knowledge system if we successfully acknowledge the unintended relay of knowledge collectors.
壹、 緒論:巧遇民族誌學 1
  一、 近代初期歐洲的知識收集 3
  二、 耶穌會文化適應論的研究與限制 8
  三、 荷蘭東印度公司的知識遺產 10
  四、 當前我們應追求的歷史 14
  五、 民族誌學的早期歷史 19
  六、 巧遇的接力 22
第一部分 收集與驗證 27
貳、 暗洋暗澳傳說: 《臺灣府志》中的荷蘭北極探險故事 29
  一、 暗洋暗澳傳說的梗概 30
  二、 十六世紀末歐洲人的地理知識 35
  三、 巴倫支航向北極 37
  四、 悲劇性的巴倫支第三次北極探險 40
    (一) 山明水秀,萬花遍山 41
    (二) 山中俱如長夜 43
    (三) 石上留字 44
    (四) 次年再復至 45
  五、 暗洋暗澳的傳播 46
  六、 結語 50
參、 情報、觀察、澄清: 1643年荷蘭人亞洲東北探險與其地理民族誌遺緒 53
  一、 夢想:神秘的東北亞洲與金銀島 55
  二、 準備:東印度總督與評議會的指令 60
  三、 觀察:揭開海霧面對現實 66
    (一) 十勝外海與齒舞群島的阿伊努人 68
    (二) 佔領Compagnyslant 69
    (三) 國後島登岸 71
    (四) 庫頁島的Amiva或Aniwa 72
    (五) 最後的希望:探查北知床半島 75
    (六) 厚岸灣整補 77
  四、 傳播:1643年航海所得知識的影響 79
  五、 結語 87
第二部分 整理與批判 89
肆、 知識的收集與改造: Witsen與Valentyn的時代與作品 91
  一、 兩個歐洲海外情報管道與其特色 92
  二、 荷蘭東印度公司與耶穌會情報的匯流 96
  三、 Witsen和Valentyn的作品與時代 99
    (一) Nicolaas Witsen:出身顯赫的紳士學者 99
    (二) François Valentyn:力爭上游的一介牧師 102
  四、 Witsen對蝦夷相關文獻的用法 106
    (一) 蝦夷專章的結構 106
    (二) Witsen的編輯手法:〈蝦夷概述〉 110
    (三) Witsen的編輯手法:Hieronymus de Angelis蝦夷報告書 114
  五、 細剖Valentyn的文抄工程 117
    (一) 〈福爾摩沙〉專卷的結構 117
    (二) Valentyn如何改寫福爾摩沙民族誌 120
  六、 被發明的Quaty 126
    (一) Candidius的原文與Commelin的改寫 126
    (二) 德語譯者如何處理問題句 128
    (三) 十七世紀英譯者的誤譯 130
    (四) 十九世紀學者的回合 131
    (五) C. E. S.自作聰明的校勘 133
  七、 結語 136
伍、 從收集整理到理論: 知識累積之窮途與普遍性族群描述的誕生 139
  一、 在情報數量上登峰造極的《世界通史》 140
    (一) 《世界通史》的成立過程 140
    (二) 《世界通史》現代史第八卷,中國 143
  二、 偽福爾摩沙人George Psalmanazar 149
    (一) Psalmanazar的暴起與暴落 150
    (二) Psalmanazar操縱情報的手法 153
    (三) 核實的方法與不信的結論 155
  三、 信任危機 159
    (一) 十八世紀評估確定性的技術 160
    (二) 皇家學會建立事實的技術 162
  四、 觀察世界的新方法與行動者 164
    (一) 提升客觀性 165
    (二) 被誤會與懷疑的紳士學者 167
  五、 科學遠征 168
    (一) 新教虔敬主義與業餘的西伯利亞研究 170
    (二) Daniel Gottlieb Messerschmidt:西伯利亞科學遠征的發端 171
    (三) Gerhard Friedrich Müller與第二次堪察加遠征 173
    (四) 族群描述:研究人類文化的共同框架 176
  六、 結語 179
第三部分 更新與再相遇 181
陸、 漢學家歐德理與他的客家研究: 傳教士民族誌學的視角 183
  一、 歐德理的事業:宣教、政務、學術 184
  二、 歐德理的 “Ethnographical Sketches” 189
  三、 歐德理〈客家漢人民族誌略〉內容評述 196
    (一)Article I. 住在廣東省的各民族 198
    (二)Article II. 比較客家方言與廣東省其他居民的方言 199
    (三)Article III, IV客家人的特質、風俗、習慣,並與住在廣東省的其他種族比較 200
    (四)Article V. 客家民歌 202
    (五)Article VI. 客家人的宗教 204
  四、 歐德理與畢安的客家歷史研究法 207
  五、 結語 209
柒、 解析客家先來論: 人類學與地方知識的悲劇性相遇 211
  一、 Dodd:客家人是南宋水師殘兵後代 211
  二、 Riess:客家人在元朝末年移民臺灣 214
  三、 人類學與地方知識相遇 220
  四、 文明的維度與偏見 224
  五、 客家先來論的原型 228
  六、 再往前推一步 231
  七、 結語 232
捌、 結論:知識史中的失敗與接力 235
參考文獻 241
詞彙對照 265
人名 265
族群名 266
地名 267
組織名 269
書名 270
篇名 272
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———,《福爾摩沙變形記》,臺北:大塊文化,2005二版。
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