根據「自由之家」（Freedom House） 每年對各國政治自由度的評鑑報告，新加坡已經連續多年被評定為「部分自由」(partly free)。新加坡政府透過教育制度與大眾媒體傳達國家理念，諸多針對媒體、異議言論的法令限制也導致社會風氣始終保守，以及國人對政治、社會議題冷感。新加坡以高壓、高效的治理方式吸引外來投資，因而取得優勢發展經濟。不過，新加坡的政治民主化發展至今未獲得普世認同，即便經濟發展成就值得高度的肯定。

2015年，年僅16歲的新加坡籍青少年余澎杉因一則批評李光耀的影片遭到政府以刑法起訴，在審理期間甚至收押至精神病院。在這起捍衛人權、言論自由的事件中，當地獨立媒體《網路公民》透過獨家採訪反駁主流媒體論述等策略，挑戰司法控制，其報導多次引來國內外媒體轉載讓反國家控制力量得以凝聚。新加坡法院面對社會輿論以及來自國內外人權組織的壓力下，最後司法判處余澎杉能當庭釋放，證明了輿論的壓力確實產生了作用。因此本研究以反國家控制的觀點來探討《網路公民》如何發展反控制策略；包括獨立媒體成員如何集結？操作方式為何？提供與匯集資訊、以及論述為何？為瞭解獨立媒體反控制的脈絡，本研究加入新加坡政府如何控制網路言論。

透過深度訪談以及框架分析，研究發現《網路公民》在有限資源下，該網站以打游擊戰的方式經營網站，選擇性將資源、版面投入特定議題以加強深度，讓報導更具新聞價值。面對資源眾多的主流媒體佔據市場，《網路公民》則採取觀望－反擊的模式以較批判性的角度吸引關注。《網路公民》匯集的論述也跳脫了主流媒體與司法唱和的框架，在檢視主流媒體論述後透過獨家採訪極力為當事人澄清，同時強調言論自由等普世價值的重要性。在余澎杉事件中，《網路公民》在社會實踐上的最大價值是以「言論自由」做基礎，打破主流媒體正當化國家控制策略的慣性。社會大眾能重新評估、檢視國家控制如何影響到國內的言論自由並衝撞其範疇是這次聲援行動中很重要的反國家控制成就，也是未來在挑戰國家控制上的啟示。

Abstract

According to Freedom House’s annual evaluation of the state of global freedom, Singapore is rated partly free for years. Singapore government has been delivering national hegemony through education system and mass media. Laws restrict media and disagreements resulted in a conservative social atmosphere and Singaporean been political apathetic. Singapore economies have long earned praise for rapid and sustained growth, due to government high effectiveness and high-pressure ruling, which attract foreign investments. However, Singapore political democratization progress has not been widely recognized, in contrast to their economy achievements.
In 2015, Singapore court ruling that a 16-year-old blogger, Amos Yee, arrested for posting a video about the late Prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, be held for two weeks for psychiatric review. In defense of human right, Singapore local online media “TOC” (The Online Citizen) challenged judicial judgement through exclusive interview, in which foreign media shared the news report and this gather strength to anti- government control on Yee’s case.
Under the pressure from both local and international human right organization and public’s criticism, Yee was freed immediately following the trial. (The court found Yee guilty and sentenced him to four weeks in jail, however sentencing was backdated.) Thus, this case study of Amos Yee is based on the perspective of anti- government control to analyze how “TOC” developed anti-control strategies. This includes how “TOC” editors gathered, and what kind of discourse analysis it used on Yee case. To understand independent media anti-control context, this study include how Singapore government suppressed online expression.
Through in-depth interviews with members of “TOC” and frame analysis, this research discovers that “TOC” has limited resources. Thus, this independent media use Guerrilla strategy, which selectively focus on certain news, in order to report in depth and strengthen news value. Also, “TOC” faces competition from mainstream media, thus it resort to counter-attack strategy and focus on critical angle to attract viewership. Last but not least, “TOC” gathered views and opinions, and clarified views after examine mainstream media discourse, which emphasize the importance of universal values, such as freedom of speech.
To conclude, “TOC” uses freedom of speech as a foundation to break the supportive relations between government and mainstream media, which the latter justified government control strategies to appease the public. Through revealing the whole picture, the public can re-evaluate and examine how government control will affect freedom of speech in Singapore. Pushing boundaries can be considered as the important achievement in this anti-government control movement; also it is a revelation for challenging government control in the future.

目錄

第一章 研究動機…………………………………………………...……………01
第二章 文獻探討………………………………………………………..…...…..06
第一節 國家媒體控制之研究……………………………………………...…...…06
壹、威權主義理論………………………………………………..……..….……07
貳、 威權體制下的媒體控制………………………………………….….….…08
第二節 新加坡控制媒體與言論歷程………………………………..….................11
壹、 獨立前，清除異議人士（1940-1965）………………………….............11
貳、 嚴厲管制國內外媒體（1965-1990s）.………………….…..………...…12
參、 建國總理李光耀卸任，仍見李光耀影子……………………………..…16
肆、 網路時代（1990-至今）…………………….………………………….…17
第三節 新加坡控制媒體與言論之法令…………….………..…………….……...27
壹、 控制大眾媒體之法令、規範……………………………..…..……..……27
貳、 國際媒體之控制………………………………………………...…..….…32
參、 控制網路媒體之法令………………………………………….....…….…35
肆、 控制網路言論之策略……………………………………………...………38
第四節 媒體反控制相關研究…………..………..…………….……………………42
壹、 反控制的策略類型…..……………………….…….…….…………………42
貳、 國外反媒體控制之研究…..……………………….…..…….…...…..……..43
參、 《網路公民》反國家控制歷程………………….…..…….……..…….…..48
第五節 小結 …………………..…………..……………………….…..……………50
第三章 架構與方法…………………………………………………….……..…51
第一節 研究架構……………………………………………….………..……....…51
第二節 研究方法……………………………………………………………….....52
壹、 深度訪談法………………………………………………………………..52
貳、 框架分析法…………………………………………….…………….……58
參、 小結…………………………………………..………….…………….……60
第四章 研究結果……………………………………………………………...…61
第一節 國家控制言論……………………………………….…………....………61
壹、 國家控制策略………………………………………………….....………61
貳、 《海峽時報》框架分析……………………………………….…………66
第二節 反國家控制言論………...…...……...…...……………...…...……..……73
壹、 《網路公民》反國家控制、策略與信念.…………..……………..……73
貳、《網路公民》反國家控制策略………………………….…..………..…..90
參、《網路公民》框架分析………………………………….……..…..……..99
第三節 小結………………….……………..……………………………....……107
第五章 結論………………………………………...……………..…................108
第一節 研究發現………………………………..……………...………….……..108
第二節 研究討論……………………………..…….………….......……...….…..112
第三節 研究限制與建議……………………………..……….…...……...….…..114
參考書目…………………………………………………..……………116
壹、 中文部分…………………………..…………………………..………116
貳、 西文部分………………………………………………..……..………118
附錄……………………………………………..……….…………125

表目錄
表一：訪談對象………………………………………………….……55
表二：訪談大綱設計…………………………………………….……56
表三：框架研究範疇……………………………………………….…60

圖目錄
圖一：研究架構圖………………………………………………………51

參考書目

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