臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

本論文旨在顯示在賽夏語當中，因著閃音的丟失而產生的歷史音韻現象，可以基於兩種不同的假定來處理：韻尾輔音的音拍性(moraicity)是否要列入分析考量之中。而不把韻尾輔音的音拍性(moraicity)所扮演的角色列入分析的方法，也就是非音拍韻尾方法(non-moraic-coda approach)，對於統合各個現象的解釋是比較有利的。賽夏語是台灣南島語的其中一個分支，包含了兩個方言：北部方言以新竹縣為主，南部方言分佈在苗栗縣。根據李壬癸在1978年對兩個方言的詞彙所做的比較和記錄，閃音曾存在於賽夏語，但後來已丟失。而因著閃音的丟失所衍生出來的主要音韻現象包括以下：輔音在韻尾丟失而產生的鄰近母音延長(compensatory lengthening (CL))，零聲母音節(onsetless syllables)的大量出現，滑音的產生(glide formation)和音節重整(resyllabification)。
就一方面而言，考慮到現有的理論，將韻尾輔音視作有音拍(moraic)的方法，也就是音拍韻尾方法(moraic-coda approach)，將會無可避免地遇到解釋上的難題。可以把賽夏語的韻尾視為帶有音拍的理由是因為Moraic Phonology (Hyman 1984, 1985, Hayes 1989)將CL視作一種為了要保存丟失的韻尾輔音的音拍(mora)所產生的現象。然而，考慮到音拍保存的概念，此理論模型將會預測音節重整的現象也會產生鄰近母音延長。但是賽夏的語料顯示出，音節重整並不會產生鄰近母音的延長，只有在韻尾輔音丟失時才會發生。從優選理論(Optimality Theory (OT), Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993)的角度來看，單層的OT可以使音節重整的現象不發生鄰近母音延長，但卻無法解決具有不透明(opaque)性質的CL；即使利用Derivational Optimality Theory (Rubach 1997b, 2000a, 2000b)的雙層OT架構可以把MAX-μ制約在第二層排得很高來解釋CL的現象，但是若要解釋音節重整的語料，在同樣的雙層OT架構中，這個制約又必須在第二層排得很低才能避免錯誤預測鄰近母音的延長。也就是說，若採取音拍韻尾方法，賽夏語因閃失丟失所產生的CL及音節重整現象是很難以在現有的理論架構中產生一個不互相牴觸的分析。
就另一方面而言，在賽夏語當中，沒有其它的證據可以支持韻尾輔音是帶有音拍的。所以，如果我們採取不探討韻尾輔音是否有音拍性的方法(non-moraic approach)來解釋語料，某制約在排序上的衝突將不會發生，而一個比較統整的分析也可以產生。而在這種非音拍韻尾方法當中重要的是，根據Kavitskaya (2002b)，因著輔音丟失而產生的CL，就歷時的觀點而言，不牽涉到長度或是重量的移轉，而是牽涉到母音在某些韻尾輔音的環境當中固有的長度，而這種語音上的長母音在輔音丟失後被重析為音韻上的長母音。
然而，本論文最後也指出，如果韻尾輔音在某一語言可以被證明為帶有音拍，而在這個語言當中，CL和音節重整都因為輔音丟失而都有發生，並且鄰近母音延長只發生在前者，此兩種現象在分析上的衝突意味著當代音韻理論需要修改。

This thesis aims to demonstrate that the treatment of Saisiyat phonology after the loss of the flap L can be grounded in two different approaches—whether the moraicity of coda consonants should be taken into consideration or not. The approach that suspends the role of the moraicity of coda consonants, that is, a non-moraic-coda approach, is more advantageous in terms of explanatory unification. Saisiyat is one of the Formosan languages with two branches: the northern dialect is spoken in Hsinchu County, and the southern dialect is spoken in Miaoli County. A recording of Saisiyat vocabulary conducted early by Li (1978) reveals that a flap L had been existent in Saisiyat’s consonant inventory but was lost afterwards. The aftermath triggered by the loss of L is observable in contemporary Saisiyat phonology such as the surface long vowels resulting from compensatory lengthening (CL), the increase in the number of onsetless syllables and vowel clusters, glide formation, where a high or back vowel is resyllabified into the coda of the previous syllable, resyllabification, where a coda consonant is resyllabified as the onset of the following syllable, and so on.
The moraic-coda approach, on the one hand, will inevitably be confronted with the concomitant explanatory difficulties given the theoretical framework on hand. The reason why coda consonants can be viewed as mora-bearing units in Saisiyat is because the standard Moraic Phonology developed by Hyman (1984, 1985) and Hayes (1989) regards CL as a phenomenon resulting from the conservation of the mora left by the lost coda consonant. However, given the concept of mora conservation, this model predicts, though rather implicitly, that resyllabification would lead to CL. But the data in Saisiyat suggest that CL only takes place in cases involving coda loss, rather than in cases involving resyllabification. In terms of Optimality Theory ((OT) Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993), although one-level OT can predict that resyllabification won’t trigger lengthening, it can’t resolve CL that is opaque in nature. Two-level OT, under the framework of Derivational Optimality Theory (Rubach 1997b, 2000a, 2000b), can resolve CL by ranking the constraint MAX-μ high at the second level, the constraint in question nevertheless needs to be ranked low at the same level in evaluating data related to resyllabification cases so that lengthening won’t be falsely predicted. That is to say, if a moraic-coda approach were adopted, cases of resyllabification and those of CL triggered by the loss of the flap in Saisiyat would always cause conflicting analyses under existing theoretical frameworks.
On the other hand, if we don’t resort to the moracity of Saisiyat coda consonants, since there is no other independent evidence other than CL supporting this moraic-coda assumption, this conflict caused by the ranking of a particular constraint will not arise. Thus, a more unified analysis can be put forward. What is crucial in this non-moraic-coda approach is that following Kavitskaya (2002b), CL resulting from consonant loss diachronically doesn’t involve any transfer of length or weight, but can be attributed to the inherent vowel length contiguous to certain coda consonants, which is later reanalyzed as phonologically long after consonant loss.
However, if coda consonants are proved to be truly moraic in one language where both resyllabification and CL take place due to consonant loss with the former showing no lengthening, the conflict between the analysis of resyllabification and that of CL still demands some modifications of modern phonological theories, as is also pointed at the end of the thesis.

Chinese Abstract……………………………………………………………i

Abstract…………………………………………………………ii

Acknowledgements………………………………………………iii

Table of Contents……………………………………………iv

Chapter 1. Introduction……………………………………………………1
1.1 Overview…………………………………………………………1
1.2 Background Information of Saisiyat and Previous Studies………………… 2
1.2.1 Li (1978)…………………………………………………4
1.2.2 Yeh (1991, 2000)………………………………………6
1.3 Theoretical Background…………………………………7
1.3.1 Optimality Theory……………………………………8
1.3.2 CL in Moraic Phonology………………………………10
1.3.3 CL in Optimality Theory……………………………12
1.3.4 CL in Phonologization Model………………………17
1.4 Outline of the Thesis…………………………………18


Chapter 2. Saisiyat Phonology and Changes Triggered by Consonant Loss…. 20
2.1 Introduction………………………………………………20
2.2 Saisiyat Phonology………………………………………20
2.2.1 Segments…………………………………………………20
2.2.1.1 Consonants……………………………………………21
2.2.1.1.1 Stops………………………………………………21
2.2.1.1.2 Nasals………………………………………………22
2.2.1.1.3 Fricatives…………………………………………22
2.2.1.1.4 Liquids………………………………………………24
2.2.1.2 Vowels…………………………………………………24
2.2.1.3 Glides…………………………………………………28
2.2.2 Stress……………………………………………………29
2.2.3 Minimal Words…………………………………………29
2.2.4 Syllable Types…………………………………………29
2.2.5 Interim Summary…………………………………………30
2.3 Consonant Loss and Related Phenomena………………30
2.3.1 The Occurrence of Onsetless Syllables and Vowel Clusters………31
2.3.2 Glide Formation…………………………………………32
2.3.3 Resyllabification………………………………………35
2.3.4 Compensatory Lengthening……………………………35
2.4 Summary……………………………………………………38

Chapter 3. Loss of L and Its Related Phenomena under a Moraic-Coda Approach…………………………………………………………40
3.1 Introduction………………………………………………40
3.2 Onsetless Syllables and Vowel Clusters……………41
3.3 Glide Formation…………………………………………43
3.3.1 Cases Showing Glide Formation……………………44
3.3.2 Cases Not Showing Glide Formation………………48
3.3.3 Comparison between Cases of Vowel Clusters and Glide
Formation………………………………………52
3.3.4 Interim Summary…………………………………………53
3.4 Resyllabification and Compensatory Lengthening……54
3.4.1 Resyllabification and CL under Moraic Phonology…55
3.4.1.1 Ambisyllabicity?.……………………………………60
3.4.1.2 L being the Only Moraic Consonant? ……………61
3.4.1.3 L being the Only Moraic Coda?................61
3.4.2 Resyllabification and CL under OT…………………62
3.4.2.1 One-Level OT—Unable to Evaluate CL……………62
3.4.2.2 Two-Level OT—Constraint Ranking Paradox……66
3.5 Summary………………………………………………………70

Chapter 4. Loss of L and Its Related Phenomena under a Non-Moraic-Coda Approach………………………72
4.1 Introduction………………………………………………72
4.2 Compensatory Lengthening in Saisiyat Revisited……73
4.3 Resyllabification in Saisiyat Revisited……………76
4.4 Glide Formation in Saisiyat Revisited………………77
4.5 Vowel Clusters and Onsetless Syllables………………82
4.6 Summary………………………………………………………83
4.7 Residue Problem……………………………………………84

Chapter 5. Conclusions………………………………………89

References………………………………………………………91

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