臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

假訊息議題，因社群媒體的興盛，於近年成為重要問題。
本文首先從假訊息之定義出發，認定其為客觀事實錯誤，並探究何謂「客觀真實」，本文在此指出客觀真實與符應論間的關係。
其次，本文將社群媒體上之假訊息現象，區分為新與舊兩個面向。新問題指的是社群媒體作為訊息溝通結構，與以往傳統媒體不同之處。本文指出，不論是訊息產製或傳播，社群媒體的興盛都使得假訊息更容易出現、更容易造成影響。而舊問題，則是指人們對於社群媒體的使用，可能會強化原先人類的行為模式，故社群媒體上之假訊息「對訊息接受者」的影響，因這些行為模式，可能更為嚴重。
探究現象後，本文進一步探究管制社群媒體上假訊息之正當性。就釋義學層次，從德國與美國的比較法層次，本文認為就假訊息是否為言論自由之保障範圍、受到何種保障程度之問題，在不同憲法脈絡中會發生分歧。就德國而言，基本上認為錯誤事實並不在言論自由保障範圍內，例外才受到保護。而美國則認為即便是錯誤事實，也不會當然不受言論自由保障。
故本文選擇進一步探究對美國言論自由實務影響重大的意見市場理論，並透過在理論層次上定位假訊息，討論管制社群媒體上假訊息之正當性。
本文將意見市場理論內涵區分為真理的意見市場和公民的意見市場，並認為假訊息對於意見市場來說，屬於市場失靈，故有一定的管制正當性。就真理的意見市場理論，假訊息所彰顯的不只是新興科技對意見市場發現真理預設的挑戰，而是彰顯意見市場其實不一定與發現真理有關，前者是現象造成的失靈，而後者是理論既有的缺陷。故真理的意見市場，本身即無法處理假訊息所帶來之問題。
而就公民的意見市場理論而言，本文認為，依保護意見市場之目的（公共領域），又可區分為健全民主程序（狹義），或是促進民主自治（廣義）之版本，而不論是何種版本，假訊息皆會對公共領域造成負面影響，進一步影響其目的，故在理論層次，亦有一定的管制正當性，只是必須進一步與政府介入可能帶來的弊害衡量。本文並提出從此理論角度出發，於實際法律之制度設計時，可以考量的降低弊害、提升管制正當性的類型化。
最終，本文討論何為管制社群媒體上假訊息之有效手段，本文透過探究當代社群媒體作為言論傳播之中介、對其平台上言論之管制，認為社群媒體之自我管制作為管制假訊息之手段，會具有缺陷，進而使得社群媒體自我管制，無法有效解決假訊息問題。
因應上述缺陷，本文主張可以有效管制假訊息、兼顧對使用者言論自由權利保障之元管制模式，透過公權力設定政策目標、被管制目標擁有一定之自我管制權限之方式，達到前述兩個政策目標，而此元管制模式之正當性，本文認為可透過社群媒體於當代佔據的資訊守門人地位加以證成。
於提出抽象之元管制模式後，本文並以德國近年通過之網路執行法，作為本文參考的具體立法例，並探究其在我國憲法脈絡，是否合憲。本文認為，網路執行法在我國違憲審查中，可以通過正當性、必要性、適當性之審查，但就衡平性而言，儘管在假訊息管制之部分，本文認為要求社群媒體處理假訊息之公共利益大於社群媒體利益，故能通過衡平性之檢驗，但就保護使用者言論自由權利之部分，網路執行法反而因保護不足，而有違憲之虞，本文並於最終提出能夠適當保護使用者言論自由之可能措施。

Disinformation has become a significant question since the emergence/prevalence of social media.
At the beginning of this thesis, I define disinformation as facts that are objective false, and explore what we mean by objective true. By doing so, I indicate the relationship between objective truth and correspondence theory. That is: A true proposition (or sentence, statement, belief) means that it must correspond to facts or external objective objects. Then I refute some (but not all) philosophical claims that deny the existence of objective truth.
This thesis clarifies the phenomenon of Disinformation on Social media into two dimension, one is the new problem, and the other is the old problem.
Referring to the new problem, I mean the structure of information communication concerning social media is much different from the traditional one. I point out that whether in production or the spread of information, the rise and prevalence of social media have made disinformation more likely to appear and cause more impact.
The old problem refers to some human behavior patterns are amplified when using social media. Therefore, the effect of Disinformation on social media on how people receive and deliver massage, may be more serious due to these existing behavior patterns.
This Thesis further explores the legitimacy of regulating disinformation on social media. At the practical level, I take Germany and the United States as comparative examples of freedom of speech, arguing that the answers to Disinformation problems –not only whether disinformation is in the scope of freedom of speech but also to what degree should we protect it-- will be different concerning different constitutional contexts. As far as Germany is concerned, it basically stated that false facts are not within the scope of freedom of speech protection, and only exception is protected. In contrast, The United States believes that even if the facts are wrong, they will still be protected from freedom of speech.
I choose to further explore these problems by taking the marketplace of idea theory into account. Because it has been the backbone of the development of the freedom of speech in America for a long time, influencing both discourses of academia and the doctrines of freedom of speech. By locating disinformation in the marketplace of idea theory, I focus on the legitimacy of regulating disinformation on social media at the theoretical level.
This thesis distinguishes two versions of marketplace of idea theory. One is the marketplace of idea of truth, the other is the marketplace of idea of democracy. I argue that disinformation is the market failure of both versions, so it is legitimate to regulate disinformation.
For the marketplace of idea of truth, I propose that Disinformation highlights not only the challenge of new technologies making the marketplace of idea of truth difficult to function well to seek truth, but also the theoretical flaw that the marketplace of idea of truth is not necessarily related to the discovery of truth. The former market failure is caused by phenomenal change, and the latter is the fundamental flaws of the presupposition of the theory.
As for the marketplace of idea theory of democracy, By the purpose of protecting marketplace (that is the public discourse), I distinguish two subversions of democratic marketplace: one is to promote effective functioning of the democratic process(in narrow sense), the other is to promote democratic self-governance(in broader sense).
I argue that disinformation will not only cause negative impact on both subversions of marketplace of idea of democracy, but also affect their purpose. Therefore, at this theoretical level, it is legitimate to regulate disinformation, but it must be further measured with the possible harm caused by government.
At last, I propose that when designing the actual legal system to regulate Disinformation, we can take some factors into account to reduce the harm and maintain the legitimacy of the regulation.
In the last part of thesis, I discuss what is an effective mean of controlling Disinformation on social media. I explore the role of contemporary social media as an intermediary of speech dissemination, and it’s capability of controlling speech on its platforms. Then I further examine the self-regulation of social media as the controlling model of Disinformation. I argue this self-regulation model as regulating methods will have defects, and these defects finally make self-regulation of social media unable to effectively solve the problem of Disinformation.
In response to defects above, this thesis proposes the meta-regulation model that can effectively deal with Disinformation and take users’ freedom of speech on social media platform into account. The meta-regulation model requires policy goals set by public power, but at the same time, it lets regulated targets have certain self-regulation discretion to decide how to meet policy goals . And I argue this meta-regulation model can be justified by the status as information gatekeeper occupied by social media in contemporary times.
After proposing the concept of this meta-regulation model, I use Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz (Germany’s Network Enforcement Act, also called NetzDG) passed by Germany in recent years as the specific legislative example of meta- regulation model, and examine whether it will be unconstitutional in Taiwan’s constitutional context. I argue that NetzDG as the meta-regulation model, it’s aim of regulating Disinformation and protecting user’s freedom of speech, is legitimate, and NetzDG, as a measure, is suitable and necessary to achieve that regulating aim.
In terms of equitable principle, on the one hand, the public interest of regulating Disinformation outweighs the interest of social media, so it can pass the equitable principle regarding requiring social media regulating Disinformation by force. On the other hand, however, user’s freedom of speech is not sufficiently protected by NetzDG. Therefore, in terms of protection of user’s freedom of speech, NetzDg might be unconstitutional. This thesis finally recommends some appropriate and possible measures to protect users’ freedom of speech.

詳目
謝辭 I
摘要 IX
Abstract XI
簡目 XIV
詳目 XVI
第一章 緒論 1
第一節 問題提出與案例設計 1
第二節 研究範圍 7
第一項 定義假訊息 7
第二項 定義社群媒體 9
第三節 文獻回顧 11
第四節 研究架構 14
第二章 社群媒體上之假訊息現象：新舊問題 17
第一節 假訊息與客觀真實 17
第一項 客觀真實與符應論 17
第二項 回應否認客觀真實之論證 19
第一款 真實是社會建構 19
第二款 真實是語言的產品 22
第三款 真實是服務於權力 23
第三項 小結 23
第二節 社群媒體上的假訊息現象 24
第一項 社群媒體帶來的新問題：訊息溝通結構改變 24
第一款 訊息的產製：社群媒體VS傳統媒體 25
第一目 新言論中介：Web2.0之便宜言論 25
第二目 舊的言論中介：守門人（gatekeeper）減少 26
第三目 Web2.0：假訊息產製增加 27
第二款 訊息的傳播：注意力有限 28
第一目 資料過濾與同溫層效應 29
第二目 假訊息的傳播放大 31
第三款 小結 32
第二項 社群媒體加重的舊問題：人類行為模式 32
第一款 資訊流瀑與極化 33
第一目 資訊流瀑（information cascades） 33
第二目 群體極化 35
第二款 系統一與系統二 36
第三項 小結 39
第三章 管制社群媒體上假訊息之正當性 41
第一節 假訊息與言論自由保障 41
第一項 德國基本法第5條第1項 41
第一款 區分事實與意見 42
第二款 奧許維茲謊言判決：意見與事實之關聯 43
第二項 美國憲法增修條文第1條：以Alvarez案為例 44
第一款 以虛偽言論保障為例：United States v. Alvarez案 44
第二款 事實與判決理由 45
第三款 從保護範圍到保護程度：意見市場理論之考量 47
第二節 意見市場理論與錯誤言論 48
第一項 意見市場理論 49
第一款 意見市場理論之起源 49
第二款 內涵一：真理的意見市場 50
第一目 發現真理與真理理論 50
第二目 發現真理與意見市場預設 52
第三款 內涵二：公民的意見市場 53
第一目 意見市場與民主運作 54
第二目 民主與意見市場預設 56
第二項 意見市場理論與假訊息 58
第三節 社群媒體上的意見市場失靈 59
第一項 真理的意見市場失靈 60
第一款 現象層次的市場失靈 60
第一目 社群媒體的意見市場結構 61
第二目 社群媒體的意見市場運作 62
第三目 對抗言論法則的失效 63
第二款 從現象失靈到理論失靈 65
第三款 理論層次的市場失靈 66
第一目 真理（Truth）？偏好（preference）？ 66
第二目 真理（Truth）與事實（fact） 70
第三目 小結 72
第二項 公民的意見市場失靈 73
第一款 現象層次：公共領域的破碎化 73
第一目 公共領域與假訊息 73
第二目 假訊息對第三方傷害 75
第二款 理論層次：假訊息對「民主」之影響 76
第一目 狹義的民主程序與假訊息 76
第二目 廣義的民主自治與假訊息 79
第三項 市場失靈及假訊息管制 86
第一款 假訊息之傷害與對抗言論 86
第一目 Alvarez案理由與假訊息 86
第二目 德國與美國之釋義學：他山之石 87
第二款 假訊息管制之類型化 88
第四章 社群媒體上假訊息之有效管制手段 93
第一節 社群媒體自我管制之缺陷 93
第一項 網路世界之現象：三角形關係 93
第一款 網路管制之發展 94
第二款 社群媒體平台與言論表達 95
第三款 政府、社群媒體、使用者三角關係 97
第二項 社群媒體對於言論之私人管制 100
第一款 內在審核壓力：社群媒體與使用者 100
第二款 內容審核的外在壓力：社群媒體與政府 102
第三項 社群媒體平台之假訊息管制：自我管制之缺陷 103
第一款 假訊息與私人管制 104
第二款 私人管制的可能不足 105
第三款 私人管制的可能過度 106
第四項 小結 108
第二節 元管制模式之提出與證成 108
第一項 元管制模式之提出 108
第一款 破碎管制空間與元管制作為手段 108
第二款 元管制模式之建構 111
第二項 社群媒體作為媒體：守門人地位 114
第一款 社群媒體作為媒體 114
第一目 社群媒體定位為何重要：制定選擇 114
第二目 新媒體vs溝通結構特別地位 115
第二款 社群媒體於溝通結構之定位：守門人（gatekeeper） 119
第一目 傳統的守門人概念 119
第二目 網路的資訊守門人 121
第三目 社群媒體作為守門人 123
第四目 元管制模式與守門人責任 125
第三節 元管制模式之實例：NetzDG作為立法例 125
第一項 網路執行法作為管制模型之具體案例 126
第二項 德國網路執行法作為立法例：合憲性之討論 132
第一款 網路執行法實施後：現實走向 133
第二款 從我國憲法看元管制模式之合憲性 135
第一目 目的正當性：假訊息管制義務與權利保障 135
第二目 比例原則之審查 137
第三目 小結 140
第五章 結論 141
第一節 設例回顧： 141
第二節 論文結論 142
第三節 未竟之業 144
參考文獻 146

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鍾禛（2018），《論國家對於假消息之管制模式及其規範分析－國際宣言與比較法的觀點》，國立交通大學科技法律研究所學位論文。
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