臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

邵族生活在中台灣日月潭湖畔，目前能說邵語的人數不足廿人，是瀕危的台灣原住民語。本論文旨逐步描述邵語之音韻，包括語音描述、音韻現象(重音選擇，滑音形成)、而後深入討論邵語的構詞音韻變化。再者，本論文倚重以優選理論來解釋邵語在音韻以及構詞音韻上的複雜變化。
本論文解決了邵語中的基本音韻現象。首先，詳盡的描述各個音素的在表層的語音變化，包括同位音與自由變異。再者，提供了加前綴詞和加後綴詞的語料來引證：邵語中詞根首的喉塞音是音素，而詞根尾的喉塞音則是語音加插。由於邵語並不允許表層的母音串，所以必須產生滑音來避免表層的母音串。邵語有兩個形成滑音的機制：雙母音化或是由母音串中在前位的母音傳遞一個同位的滑音作為後位母音的聲母。邵語中大多數的母音串採用雙元音化的機制，反應了ONSET >> INTERGRITY >> V-NUC的制約排序。但有些母音串因為韻步的考量能採用兩種機制，而韻律制約與滑音形成的制約互動所產生的制約排序：RHTYPE(T) >> FTBin-σ >> Integrity能夠解釋兩種機制如何選擇。
邵語中，複雜的構詞音韻變化能歸納為兩類：第一類是詞綴在加綴後，詞綴中的母音會刪去，包括主事焦點前綴/um/、受事焦點後綴/in/；第二類則是詞綴中的音段全部都在表層中實現，包括完成貌前綴/in/、處所焦點後綴/an/，以及絕大部分的詞綴。而筆者利用Cophonology模式，提出兩個排序不同的次文法來解釋兩類的變化。次文法一(MPARSE, DEP-μ-IO(GrWd) >> MAX-IO)，會造成非詞根的母音在表層刪略，用以解釋第一類詞綴。而次文法二(MPARSE, MAX-IO >> DEP-μ-IO(GrWd))則使底層的音段全部實現在表層，用以解釋第二類詞綴。而兩個次文法都會和排序較高的有標制約(Markedness constraints)互動，因而產生複雜的構詞音韻變化。
命令式後綴加綴後有三種表層的模式，然而三種變化的成因乃是由於構詞句法上的不同所導致。而本文尚討論了兩個時貌標記，完成貌/iða/和持續貌/uan/，兩者加綴後，有兩種主要的變化：帶一個重音的字或是帶兩個重音的詞；前者發生於母音結尾的詞根，而後者發生於子音結尾的詞根。形成的原因可能有兩種；一是發音人心理上處理附著/iða/或/uan/的結構時，因為音韻上處理的困難度不一而產生的變化；二是兩個雙元音的標記本質上可能接近一個字(word)，而使發音人將附著/iða/或/uan/的結構，處理成一個包含兩個字的詞。文獻中所提及的第二人稱附著式/u/被證明是第二人稱附著式/uhu/的縮略體。而第一人稱附著式/wak/在語意上，有可能是歷史上/uan+ak/的結合，然而音韻上頭的證據不足，而無法支持這樣說法，因此尚需更深入的研究。

This thesis serves as a phonological research, step by step deciphering the articulation, phonological patterns and various morphophonemic alternations of Thao. Thao, having resided around the Sun-Moon Lake regions in central Taiwan, is one of the most endangered Formosan languages. Throughout this thesis, the analyses of phonological issues will be couched within Optimality Theory.
This thesis will begin with a discussion of the general phonology of Thao. First, the phoneme inventory and the phonetic description will be provided. Then, the dispute on whether stem-initial and stem-final glottal stops stand in underlying representation will be clarified by adducing evidence of the ��-initial/final stems in prefixed/suffixed forms. Surface glides in Thao come from three sources: 1.) underlying glides, 2.) glided vowels, /VV/ �� [VG]/ [GV], and 3.) homorganic glides spread by a precedent vowel, /VV/ �� [VGV]. Two strategies of glide formation are mentioned as in 2.) and 3.), and in fact most of the possible vowel clusters will be diphthongized in response to the ranking ONSET >> INTERGRITY >> V-NUC. However, the process /ua/ �� [uwa] results from the /u/-idiosyncrasy. Regarding stress assignment, the constraint ranking RHTYPE(T) >> FTBin-σ >> Integrity will capture the alternations of glide formation strategies of some vowel clusters.
There are four voice/aspect markers in Thao, including the AV prefix /um/, the Perf prefix /in/, the LV suffix /an/ and the PV suffix /in/. To explicate whether or not the vowel of affixes is deleted in affixed form, I will propose two subgrammars under the cophonology model of a set of faithfulness constraints. Subgrammar 1 (MPARSE, DEP-μ-IO(GrWd) >> MAX-IO) accounts for AV prefixation, AV-Perf prefixation and PV suffixation. Subgrammar 1 implies that all input segments but non-stem mora will be parsed and thus result in vowel deletion of affixes. Subgrammar 2 (MPARSE, MAX-IO >> DEP-μ-IO(GrWd)) requires all input segments being parsed, applied to Perf prefixation and LV suffixation. Both subgrammars of faithfulness constraints relating to input-output segments will interact with higher-ranked markedness constraints so that various morphophonemic alternations will be induced.
To make the morphophonemic alternations more complete, many relative suffixes and enclitics will be included. The imperative /i/ has three alternations, which are syntactically driven. The completive marker /iða/ and the durative marker /uan/ exhibit mainly two different alternations: the single-stress pattern and the dual-stress pattern, resulted from the degree of difficulty in phonological parsing. The 2nd personal enclitic /u/ reported in former studies is actually the truncated form of the 2nd personal enclitic /uhu/. The 1st person singular /wak/ may historically be composed of the durative marker /uan/ and the 1st person marker; however, the phonological evidence of /wak/-encliticized words is lack and thus needs further investigation.

Chapter One: Introduction…………………………………………………. 1
1.1 General Background of Thao…………………………………………... 1
1.2 Data Collection………………………………………………………… 3
1.3 Literature Review………………………………………………………. 4
1.4 Theoretic Concerns…………………………………………………….. 7
1.4.1 Optimality Theory…………………………………………………. 7
1.4.2 Indexed Constraint vs. Cophonology……………………………… 9
1.4.2.1 Indexed Constraint……………………………………………. 10
1.4.2.2 Cophonology………………………………………………….. 11
1.5 Overview……………………………………………………………….. 12

Chapter Two: The General Phonology of Thao……………………………. 16
2.1 Phoneme Inventory…………………………………………………….. 16
2.1.1 Vowels……………………………………………………………... 17
2.1.2 Consonants……………………………………………………….... 18
2.1.2.1 Stops…………………………………………………………... 18
2.1.2.2 Fricatives…………………………………………………….... 21
2.1.2.3 Nasals…………………………………………………………. 25
2.1.2.4 Liquids………………………………………………………... 25
2.1.2.5 Glides…………………………………………………………. 26
2.2 Phonemic/Phonetic Glottal Stop in Word-initial/final Position………… 27
2.2.1 Word-final Glottal Stop……………………………………………. 30
2.2.1.1 Deletion of Stem-final /h/……………………………………... 32
2.2.1.2 An OT Account for Phonetic Insertion of Word-final [�珠……... 34
2.2.2 Word-initial Glottal Stop………………………………………….. 37
2.2.3 Summary…………………………………………………………... 44
2.3 Glide Formation………………………………………………………... 45
2.3.1 Underlying Glides vs. Underlying Vowels..……………………….. 45
2.3.2 An OT Analysis for Glide Formation……………………………… 50
2.4 Stress…………………………………………………………………… 57
2.4.1 Stress Assignment…………………………………………………. 60
2.4.2 Phonemic Final Stressed Stems……………………………………. 66
2.4.2.1 Personal Names, Landscapes and Loan Words……………….. 66
2.4.2.2 Disyllabic Particles…………………………………………… 67
2.4.2.3 Disyllabic Content Words…………………………………….. 68
2.4.2.4 Monosyllabic Content Words…………………………………. 68
2.4.2.5 Deictics………………………………………………………... 69
2.4.3 Summary…………………………………………………………... 70

Chapter Three. Actor Voice and Aspect Prefixation in Thao……………... 72
3.1 Actor Voice UM Affixation ……………………………………………. 72
3.1.1 Morphophonemics of UM…………………………………………. 74
3.1.2 /um/ as the Underlying AV Marker………………………………... 77
3.1.3 -um-infixing into Complex-onset Stems…………………………... 79
3.1.4 Competition between Syllable and Faithfulness Constraints……… 81
3.1.4.1 Faithfulness of Input-output Grammatical Words…………….. 82
3.1.4.2 Syllable Wellformedness in Onset…………………………… 87
3.1.5 Sonority on Consonant Sequences in Onset………………………. 91
3.1.6 Pseudo Nasal Substitution…………………………………………. 94
3.1.7 Regressive Place Assimilation of Nasal and Vowel Lowering of -um-infixation……………………………………………………..
98
3.1.8 Interaction between Diachronic and Synchronic Phonology……… 99
3.1.8.1 Why don’t b- and d-stems Take AV Marker? ………………… 99
3.1.8.2 Why don’t Φ-stems Take AV Marker? ……………………….. 100
3.1.8.3 Why don’t Nasal- and Glide-initial Stems Take AV Marker? ... 101
3.1.8.4 Why do ð-stems Take m-prefixing? …………………..……… 102
3.1.8.5 Why don’t hC-stems Take -um-infixation? …………………... 104
3.1.9 Summary…………………………………………………………... 105
3.2 Perfective Aspect IN Affixation………………………………………... 106
3.3 Actor Voice Perfective UMIN Affixation………………………………. 115
3.4 Summary……………………………………………………………….. 123

Chapter Four. Phonological Patterns Induced in Suffixation and Encliticization………………………………………………………………... 126
4.1 Locative Voice AN/AK Suffixation……………………………………. 126
4.2 Passive Voice IN/IK Suffixation……………………………………….. 133
4.2.1 Summary…………………………………………………………... 140
4.3 Imperative Suffixation…………………………………………………. 141
4.4 The Aspectual Markers /iða/ and /uan/………………………………… 145
4.4.1 The Completive Marker /iða/……………………………………… 145
4.4.2 The Durative Marker /uan/………………………………………… 157
4.5 The Personal Enclitics /u/ and /wak/………………………………….... 163


Chapter Five Discussion and Conclusion…………………………………... 170
5.1 Discussion……………………………………………………………… 170
5.2 Conclusion……………………………………………………………... 172

References…………………………………………………………………….. 175

Appendix A: List of Constraints……………………………………………. 180

Alderete, John, Jill Beckman, Laura Benua, Amalia Gnanadesikan, John McCarthy, Suzanne Urbanczyk. 1999. Reduplication with fixed segmentism. Linguistic Inquiry 30:327-364.
Anttila, Arto. 2002. Morphologically conditioned phonology alternations. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 20:1-42.
Blust, Robert. 1996. Some remarks on the linguistic position of Thao. Oceanic Linguistics 35.2:272-294.
Blust, Robert. 1998a. Some problems in Thao phonology. Selected Papers from the Second International Symposium on Languages in Taiwan, ed. by Shuan-Fan Huang, 1-20. Taipei: The Crane.
Blust, Robert. 1998b. Ca- reduplication and Proto-Austronesian grammar. Oceanic Linguistics 37:29-64.
Blust, Robert. 1998c. A note on Thao patient focus perfective. Oceanic Linguistics 37.2:346-353.
Blust, Robert. 2001. Thao triplication. Oceanic Linguistics 40:324-335.
Blust, Robert. 2003. Thao dictionary. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Blust, Robert. 2004. Austronesian nasal substitution. Oceanic Linguistics 43.1:73-148.
Blust, Robert. 2006. Supertemplatic reduplication and beyond. Streams Converging into an Ocean: Festschrift in Honor of Professor Paul Jen-Kuei Li on his 70th Birthday, ed. by Henry Y. Chang, Lillian M. Huang, and Dah-An Ho, 439-460. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Chang, Hsiou-chuan. 2000. Paiwan Reference Grammar. Series on Formosan Languages 9. Taipei: Yuanliu Publishing Co. (In Chinese)
Chang, M. Laura. 1998. Thao reduplication. Oceanic Linguistics 37.2:277-297.
Chang, Yung-li. 1997. Voice, Case and Agreement in Seediq and Kavalan. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University PhD dissertation.
Chen, Chi-lu, Yih-yüan Li, Mei-chün Tang et al. Ethonological Researches among the Thao of Sun-Moon Lake, Formosa. Taipei: National Taiwan University.
Chen, Yu-ming. 2000. Negation in Thao and Tsou. Chiayi: National Chung Cheng University MA thesis. (In Chinese)
Crowhurst, Megan J. 1998. Um infixation and prefixation in Toba Batak. Language 74.3:590-604.
Crowhurst, Megan J. 2001. Coda condition and um infixation in Toba Batak. Lingua 111:561-590.
Dahl, Otto Christian. 1973. Proto-Austronesian. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Monograph Series, No. 15. London: Curzon Press.
Deng, Shiang-yang and Mutsu Hsu. 2000. The History of Formosan Aborigines-The Thao. Nan-tou: Taiwan Sheng Wun-xian Wui-yuan-hui. (In Chinese)
French, Koleen Matsuda. 1998. Insights into Tagalog: Reduplication, Infixation, and Stress from Nonlinear Phonology. Arlington: The University of Texas at Arlington MA thesis.
Greenburg, Joseph H. 1970. Some generalization concerning glottalic consonants, especially implosives. International Journal of American Linguistics 36: 123-45.
Himmelmann, Nilolaus P. 2005. The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar: Typological characteristics. The Austronesian Languages of South East Asia and Madagascar, ed. by K. A. Adelaar and N. P. Himmelmann, 110-181. London: Routledge.
Ho, Dah-an. 1998. Generic relationships among the Formosan languages. Han-Xue-Yian-Jiu 16:2. (In Chinese)
Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2006. Resolving vowel clusters: A comparison of Isbukun Bunun and Squliq Atayal. Language and Linguistics 7.1: 1-26.
Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2008. Competition between syllable and metrical constraints in two Bunun dialects. Linguistics 46.1:1-32.
Huang, Lillian M. 2000. Thao Reference Grammar. Series on Formosan Languages, 4. Taipei: Yuanliou Publishing Co. (In Chinese)
Inkelas, Sharon and Cheryl Zoll. 2007. Is grammar dependence real? A comparison between cophonological and indexed constraint approaches to morphologically conditioned phonology. Linguistics 45.1: 133-171.
Kager, Rene. 2004. Optimality Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Klein, Thomas B. 2005. Infixation and segmental constraint effects: UM and IN in Tagalog, Chamorro, and Toba Batak. Lingua 115: 959-995.
Lee, Amy Pei-Jung. 1997. The Case-marking and Focus System in Kavalan. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University MA thesis.
Li, Fang-kwei, Chi-lu Chen and Mei-chün Tang. 1956. Notes on the Thao language. Bulletin of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology 7:23-51.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1976. Thao phonology. The Bulletin of the Institute of the History and Philology 47:279-244. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1977. Morphophonemic alternations in Formosan languages. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philosophy 48.3: 375-413. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1978. The case marking systems of the four less-known Formosan languages. In Second International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics: Preceding, ed. by S. A. Wurm and Lois Carrington, 596-615. Canberra: Australian National University.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1980. The phonological rules of Atayal dialects. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology 51, 2: 349-405. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1983. Notes on Thao dialects. Bulletin of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology 43:48-50. Taipei: National Taiwan University.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1987. The preglottalised stops in Bunun. A World of Language: Paper Presented to Prof. S. A. Wurm on His 65th Birthday, ed. By Donald C. Laycock and Werner Winter. Pacific Linguistics 100: 381-387.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1990. Classification of Formosan languages: Lexical evidence. Bulletin of the Department of Archaeology and Anthropology 61: 809-831. Taipei: National Taiwan University.
Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2001. The linguistic position of Thao--with some remarks on Blust's (1996) paper on Thao. The History of Formosan Aborigines: Linguistic perspective. Thesis on the Plain Aborigines and the History and Culture in Taiwan, ed. by Su-chuan Chan and Ying-hai Pan. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Lin, Ying-ching. 2000. Pazeh Reference Grammar. Series on Formosan Languages 3. Taipei: Yuanliou Publishing Co. (In Chinese)
Lu, Anne Yu-an. 2005. Mayrinax Phonology: With Special Reference to UM Affixation. Hsinchu: National Tsing Hua University MA thesis.
Lu, Shun-chieh. 2003. An Optimality Theory Approach to Reduplication in Formosan Languages. Taipei: National Cheng Chi University MA thesis.
McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince. 1986. Prosodic Morphology. Waltham: University of Massachusetts at Amherst and Brandeis University MA thesis.
McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince. 1995a. Faithfulness and reduplicative identity. Papers in Optimality Theory, ed. by Beckman et al., 249-384. University of Massachusetts Occasional Paper 18.
McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince. 1995b. Prosodic morphology. The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. by John Goldsmith, 318-366. Oxford: Blackwell.
McCarthy, John J. and Alan Prince. 1999. Faithfulness and identity in prosodic morphology. The Prosody-Morphology Interface, ed. by René Kager et al., 218-309. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McCarthy, John J. 2002. Against Gradience. Manuscript. ROA: 510.
Myers, Scott. 1987. Vowel shortening in English. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 5: 485-518.
Orgun, Cemil Orhan and Ronald L. Sprouse. 1999. From MParse to Control: Deriving ungrammaticality. Phonology 16:191-224.
Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Technical Report of the Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science 2.
Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. 2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA: Blackwell.
Radford, Andrew. 1995. Transformational Grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Reid, Lawrence A. and Hsiu-chuan Liao. 2004. A brief syntactic typology of Philippine languages. Language and Linguistics 5.2: 433-490.
Ruch, Edward R. 1964. The Phonological and Morphological Systems in Kalamian Tagbanwa. Ithaca: Cornell University MA thesis.
Ross, Malcolm D. 1995. Reconstructing Proto-Austronesian verbal morphology: Evidence from Taiwan. Austronesian Studies Relating to Taiwan, ed. by Paul Jen-Key Li, Cheng-Hwa Tsang, Ying-Kuei Huang, Dah-An Ho and Chiu-Yu Tseng. Symposium Series of the Institute of History and Philology No.3: 727-792. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
Selkirk, Elisabeth O. 1984. On the major class features and syllable theory. Language Sound Structure: Studies in Phonology, ed. by Mark Aronoff and Richard T. Oehrle, 107-136. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
Smith, Jennifer L. 1997. Noun Faithfulness: On the Privileged Status of Nouns in Phonology. ROA-242-0198.
Starosta, Stanley, Andrew K. Pawley and Lawrence A. Reid. 1982. The evolution of focus in Austronesian. In Papers from the 3rd International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Vol.2: Tracking the Travellers, ed. by Amran Halim, Lois Carrington and S. A. Wurm. Pacific Linguistics C-15.2:145-170.
Tseng, Meylysa. 2003. Reduplication as Affixation in Paiwan. Chiayi: National Chung Cheng University MA thesis.
Wang, Shan-Shan. 2004. An Ergative View of Thao Syntax. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i PhD dissertation.
Weng, Tsui-hsia. 2000.The Contranstive Study of Tense, Mood and Aspect Systems in Tsou and Thao. Chiayi: National Chung Cheng University MA thesis. (In Chinese)
Wolff, John U. 1973. Verbal inflection in Proto-Austronesian. Parangal kay Cecilio Lopez, ed. by Andrew Gonzalez, 71-91. Quezon City: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.
Wu, Joy Jin-lan. 2000. Amis Reference Grammar. Series on Formosan Languages 11. Taipei: Yuanliou Publishing Co. (In Chinese)
Yip, Moira. 1993. Cantonese loanword phonology and Optimality Theory. Journal of East Asian Linguistics 2.3: 261-291.