臺灣博碩士論文加值系統

論文摘要：
近五十年來，台灣客家話的研究在語音描述、聲韻、構詞以及語法結構方面均有豐富的成果，但是相較於西方語言學上百年的研究成果及經驗，台灣語言學的研究則在方法以及思考方式等方面略顯不足，尤以客家話與語音聲學研究最為缺乏。本文在此即以現代物理聲學以及實驗理論與方法為基礎，對美濃四縣客家話的子音與母音描述其聲學特徵、建立聲學參數的模式，期以最真實以及原始的語音現狀來提供往後客家話語音研究或相關語音辨識、語音合成或語音感知研究的聲學依據以及參考。
台灣客家話主要分為四縣與海陸兩大系統，本文在此以台灣南部美濃地區之四縣客家話為主要研究對象，挑選二十位(男女各十名)具有相當流利以及清晰當地客語能力之發音人，以語音分析軟體PRAAT錄製以及分析187組設計之字表，擷取計算美濃客語的6個母音及22個子音的共振峰(formants)、嗓音起始時間(VOT)、衝直條(release burst)、鼻音低訊(nasal murmur)、干擾噪訊(turbulence noise)及共振峰轉接(formant transition)等方面之聲學參數。並以專業圖表繪製軟體Microcal Origin 6.0將以上分析所得之數據，以相關之圖表顯示。
測試字表共分為六部分，第一部份主要測試對象為母音，六個母音配對六組聲調，共36組測試目標，此部份將可測試母音的基頻(F0)與第一(F1)以及第二共振峰(F2)平均頻率，並探討不同聲調對母音共振峰的影響，以共振峰與母音舌位高低前後關係繪製出不同聲調與性別對母音的影響及差異。
第二部份主要測試對象為子音，將20個子音(不含滑音)配對6組不同母音，測試送氣與不送氣子音之VOT區段時長、不同發聲位置塞音之衝直條高頻能量區間、不同擦音之干擾噪訊高頻能量下限、及所有子音與母音的共振峰轉接現象。並期描繪出客家話特有的顎化鼻音/ngi/的特徵及現象。
第三部份主要測試對象為滑音，大多數的台灣的客家話在零聲母音節滑音前會有滑音摩擦強化為擦音的現象，此部份將測試美濃客語在零聲母音節滑音前摩擦程度現象及範圍。
第四部份主要測試對象為音節化鼻音，在台灣國閩客語當中，國語缺乏音節化鼻音，但閩客語具有這類成音節的鼻音，且客語的數量較閩南語多一個，此部份將測試客語的音節化鼻音的鼻音低訊現象。
第五部份與第六部份主要測試對象為雙連母音以及三連母音，配合第一部份單母音結果來檢測母音與母音之間的交互作用與共振峰轉接是否符合預期以及是否有元音弱化或高低位置受影響等等。
實驗結果顯示客語母音/i/的位置最高最前，甚至較/u/為高，而母音/ii/的位置偏向中或中前高位置，在母音/i/的後下方位置，舌位高度約與/u/同高，此現象與部份客語研究文獻將/ii/的舌位繪於/i/之前有相當的出入。而母音/a/是一個中低元音。另外不同的舒聲調(Unchecked tones)對母音的F1與F2頻率影響不大，但入聲調(Checked tones)的母音的F1與F2平均頻率明顯與舒聲調的平均頻率有相當的差異，無論元音的高低前後，在入聲調時，元音舌位皆有往中央靠攏的趨勢(neutralized)，這個現象與英語的元音在單音節塞音結尾的音節裡會產生位置降低現象(vowel laxing)類似。而母音的高低位置也有影響母音的基頻的趨勢，母音位置越高，基頻越高。客語的/i, e, a, o, u/基本上與Ladeforged & Maddieson 1996所列的英語母音/i, e, a, o, u/舌位相近，唯客語的/a/的舌位較英語的後低母音/a/為前，應歸為中低母音。
子音部份的塞音VOT平均長度，/p/比/t/的長度略短、/t/又比/k/的長度略短(k>t>p)，但/p, t, k/皆在10ms~30ms之間；/ts/的VOT長度較/p, t, k/長，/tsi/又比/ts/稍長，但/ ts, tsi/皆在60ms~80ms之間。/ph, th, kh/的VOT長度在70ms~90ms之間，/tsh, tsih/則在130ms~150ms之間。而塞音的送氣區間約略在60ms左右，塞擦音的送氣區間大約在70ms左右。
擦音部分的/s/的干擾噪訊的低能量部分較/si/擁有較高的上限，而高能量的分部區域也較/si/為高。/f/為一無聲擦音，/v/為一有聲擦音。
共振峰轉接部份，F1的轉接較不易判斷其差異，子音-母音轉接部份的F1幾乎都是上升的，而F2的轉接在唇音-母音的部份皆是上升的，而齒尖音-母音(i, ii, e)的F2轉接是上升的，但齒尖音-母音(a, o, u)部分則開始轉下降，而軟顎音-母音的F2轉接部份則皆是下降的情況。鼻韻尾與入聲韻尾的共振峰轉接也有固定模式；母音-唇音的F2轉接皆是下降，母音(i, ii, e)-齒尖音的F2轉接也是下降的，但母音(a, o, u)-齒尖音的F2轉接則轉為上升，母音-軟顎音的F2轉接則皆是上升的狀態。而顎化鼻音/ngi/、顎化塞擦音/tsi, tsih, si/與母音/i/的共振峰轉接部份幾乎沒有上下滑動的現象。

ABSTRACT:
The researches on Hakka in the past 50 years have yielded rich results in phonetic description, phonological characterization, morphological structure, syntactic components and so on. However, the researches based on acoustic or experimental approaches are not very rich and hence there is a gap waiting for further studies. This study aims to describe the acoustic characteristics and set up a models of acoustic nature of Hakka vowels and consonants. The findings can offer the resources for the speech recognition, production, perception, and synthesis, or provide references for Hakka language teaching.
There are two major Hakka sub-dialects spoken in Taiwan: Hai-lu and Si-xian. This study focuses on the Si-xian Hakka spoken in Meinung. 20 subjects (10 males and 10 females) are involved in this study. All of them are fluent native speakers of Si-xian Hakka from Meinung. We collected the speech data in the fieldwork and fetched the information of the acoustic cues such as the first and second formant frequencies, Voice Onset Time (VOT), release burst, turbulence noise, nasal murmur and formant transition by the speech analyzing program: PRAAT. And the data and information are demonstrated graphically by the professional graphing software: Microcal Origin 6.0.
There are six inventories of the test stimuli. The first inventory of stimuli focuses on the F1 and F2 frequencies of vowels. The second inventory of stimuli aims to investigate the VOT, release burst, turbulence noise of consonants and the vowel-consonant transitions. The third inventory of stimuli aims to examine the friction preceded the zero-initial syllables of /i/ and /u/. The fourth inventory of stimuli aims to probe the syllabic nasals of Hakka. And the fifth and sixth inventories of stimuli focus on the transitions of Hakka diphthongs and triphthongs.
The results of this study show that the Hakka vowel /i/ is the most front and highest vowel (even higher than /u/), and the vowel /ii/ is a central and high vowel (approximate to the height of /u/), and the vowel /a/ is a central and low vowel. And the higher vowel has higher F0 frequency. In addition, compare to the unchecked tones, the tongue positions of six vowels on checked tones seem to have the tendency of neutralization. In general, the Hakka vowels /i, e, a, o, u/ are similar to the English vowels /i, e, a, o, u/ (Ladeforged & Maddieson 1996). Only Hakka /a/ is more front than English /a/.
The stop /p/ (12 ms) has the shortest VOT, and /t/ (14.7 ms) is a little longer than /p/, and /k/ (27.8 ms) is longer than /t/. And the affricate /ts/ (64.7 ms) is shorter than /tsi/ (73.3 ms). The duration of aspiration of ph-p is 61.4 ms, th-t is 59.6 ms, kh-k is 59.4 ms, tsh-ts is 70.5 ms, and tsih-tsiis 73.5 ms. It seems the duration of aspiration of ph, th, kh is about 60 ms, and duration of aspiration of tsh, tsih is about 70 ms.
Both the major region of noise energy and the high energy peak for the alveolar fricative /s/ are higher than the palatal fricative /si/. The fricative /f/ is voiceless, and /v/ is voiced.
The F2 frequency increases during the transitions from labial consonants to vowels, and increases from coronal consonants to /i, ii, e/ but decreases from coronals to /a, o, u/, and decreases from velar consonants to vowels. The transitions are smooth and level between palatalized consonants and /i/. The F2 frequencies decrease during the transitions from vowels to /m/ and /p/ (inversely to the transitions from /m/ and /p/ to vowels). The F2 frequencies decrease during the transitions from /i, ii, e/ to /n, t/, but they increase for the /a, o, u/-/n, t/ transitions. The F2 frequencies increase during the transitions from vowels to /ŋ, k/.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chinese Abstract ……………………………………………… iii
English Abstract ……………………………………………… vii
Acknowledgements ……………………………………………… ix

Chapter One：Introduction ………………………………… 1~3
1.0 Introduction ……………………………………… 1
1.1 Some Problems of Hakka Phonetic Studies ……… 1
1.2 Purposes of the Study …………………………………… 2
1.3 Research Questions ………………………………………… 3

Chapter Two：Literature Review …………………………………… 5~13
2.0 Introduction ………………………………………………… 5
2.1 Hakka …………………………………………………………… 5
2.1.1 Vowels …………………………………………………………… 5
2.1.2 Consonants ……………………………………………………… 6
2.1.3 Rhymes …………………………………………………………… 7
2.1.4 Tones …………………………………………………………… 7
2.1.5 Syllable Structure ………………………………………… 8
2.2 Acoustic Phonetics ……………………………………… 9
2.2.1 Vowels …………………………………………………………… 9
2.2.2 Consonants …………………………………………………… 12
2.3 Summary ………………………………………………………… 13

Chapter Three：Method ……………………………………………… 15~24
3.0 Introduction ………………………………………………… 15
3.1 Subjects ………………………………………………………… 15
3.2 Test Stimuli ………………………………………………… 16
3.2.1 Stimuli: Part (I) …………………………………………… 16
3.2.2 Stimuli: Part (II) ………………………………………… 17
3.3.3 Stimuli: Part (III) ……………………………………… 18
3.3.4 Stimuli: Part (IV) ………………………………………… 19
3.3.5 Stimuli: Part (V) ………………………………………… 19
3.3.6 Stimuli: Part (VI) ………………………………………… 20
3.3 Instrument and Software ………………………………… 20
3.3.1 Computer and Microphone ……………………………… 21
3.3.2 The Speech Analyzing Program: PRAAT ……………… 22
3.3.3 The Graph Drawing Software: Microcal Origin …… 23

Chapter Four：Results and Discussion ………………………… 25~95
4.0 Introduction ………………………………………………… 25
4.1 The Mean Level of F1 and F2 Frequencies of Vowels …25
4.2 The Interactions of Vowels and Tones ……………… 38
4.2.1 The Influence of Different Vowels on F0 ………… 38
4.2.2 The Neutralization of Vowels on Checked Tones … 41
4.3 Characteristics of Consonants ………………………… 44
4.3.1 The VOT of Aspirated and Unaspirated Stops …… 44
4.3.2 Release Burst of Stops …………………………………… 47
4.3.3 Fricatives ……………………………………………………… 49
4.3.3.1 Stridents /s, / ………………………………………… 49
4.3.3.2 Nonstridents /f, v/ ……………………………………… 54
4.3.4 The Strengthening of /i, u/ …………………………… 56
4.3.5 Syllabic Nasals …………………………………………… 61
4.3.6 The Palatalized Nasal // ……………………………… 67
4.3.7 Lateral /l/ and glottal /h/ …………………………… 68
4.4 Transitions ………………………………………………… 70
4.4.1 Vowel-Vowel Transitions ………………………………… 70
4.4.2 Nasal-Vowel Transitions ………………………………… 74
4.4.3 Consonant-Vowel Transitions …………………………… 78
4.4.4 Vowel-Consonant Transitions …………………………… 90
4.5 Summary………………………………………………………… 93

Chapter Five：Conclusion …………………………………………… 97~100
5.0 Introduction ………………………………………………… 97
5.1 Major Results ……………………………………………… 97
5.2 Significance of This Study and Suggestions for Further Study …99


References ………………………………………………………………… 101
Appendix A: The Inventories of Test Stimuli ……………… A-1
Appendix B: The Values of 20 Subjects …………………………A-3

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